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From onwards William of Orange-Nassau led the Netherlandish Protestants in their fight for religious freedom from the Catholic rule of the Spanish Habsburgs. This superb portrait however shows William at a time when he was still a loyal servant to Emperor Charles V, being Commander of his Troops.

A wealthy nobleman, William originally served the Habsburgs as a member of the court of Margaret of Parma, governor of the Spanish Netherlands. Unhappy with the centralisation of political power away from the local estates and with the Spanish persecution of Dutch Protestants, William joined the Dutch uprising and turned against his former masters.

The most influential and politically capable of the rebels, he led the Dutch to several successes in the fight against the Spanish. This was the founding of the house of Orange-Nassau. Because of his young age, the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V served as the regent of the principality until William was fit to rule. William was sent to the Netherlands to receive the required education, first at the family's estate in Breda, later in Brussels under the supervision of Mary of Habsburg Mary of Hungary , the sister of Charles V and governor of the Habsburg Netherlands Seventeen Provinces.

They had three children. Later that same year, William was appointed captain in the cavalry. Favoured by Charles V, he was rapidly promoted, and became commander of one of the Emperor's armies at the age of He was made a member of the Raad van State, the highest political advisory council in the Netherlands.

It was in November , shortly after Charles had abdicated in favour of his son, Philip II of Spain that the gout-afflicted Emperor leaned on William's shoulder during his abdication ceremony. His wife Anna died on 24 March Later, William had a brief relationship with Eva Elincx, leading to the birth of their illegitimate son, Justinus van Nassau. William officially recognised him and took responsibility for his education — Justinus would become an admiral in his later years.

In , Philip appointed William as the stadtholder governor of the provinces Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht, thereby greatly increasing his political power. Although he never directly opposed the Spanish king, William soon became one of the most prominent members of the opposition in the Council of State, together with Philip de Montmorency, Count of Hoorn and Lamoral, Count of Egmont. They were mainly seeking more political power for themselves against the de facto government of Count Berlaymont, Granvelle and Viglius of Aytta, but also for the Dutch nobility and, ostensibly, for the Estates, and complained that too many Spaniards were involved in governing the Netherlands.

William was also dissatisfied with the increasing persecution of Protestants in the Netherlands. Brought up as a Lutheran and later a Catholic, William was very religious but was still a proponent of freedom of religion for all people. The inquisition policy in the Netherlands, carried out by Cardinal Granvelle, prime minister to the new governor Margaret of Parma —83 natural half-sister to Philip II , increased opposition to Spanish rule among the — then mostly Catholic — population of the Netherlands.

Lastly, the members of the opposition wished to see an end to the presence of Spanish troops. On 25 August , William of Orange married for the second time. His new wife, Anna of Saxony, was described by contemporaries as "self-absorbed, weak, assertive, and cruel", and it is generally assumed that William married her to gain more influence in Saxony, Hesse and the Palatinate.

The couple had five children. Up to , any criticism of governmental measures voiced by William and the other members of the opposition had ostensibly been directed at Granvelle; however, after the latter's departure early that year, William, who may have found increasing confidence in his alliance with the Protestant princes of Germany following his second marriage, began to openly criticize the King's anti-Protestant politics.

In an iconic speech to the Council of State, William to the shock of his audience motivated his conflict with King Philip II by saying that, even though he had decided for himself to keep to the Catholic faith, he could not approve that monarchs should desire to rule over the souls of their subjects and take away from them their freedom of belief and religion. In early , a large group of lesser noblemen, including William's younger brother Louis, formed the Confederacy of Noblemen.

On 5 April, they offered a petition to Margaret of Parma, requesting an end to the persecution of Protestants. From August to October , a wave of iconoclasm known as the Beeldenstorm spread through the Low Countries. Calvinists, Anabaptists and Mennonites, angry with their being persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church and opposed to the Catholic images of saints which in their eyes conflicted with the Second Commandment , destroyed statues in hundreds of churches and monasteries throughout the Netherlands.

Following the Beeldenstorm, unrest in the Netherlands grew, and Margaret agreed to grant the wishes of the Confederacy, provided the noblemen would help to restore order. She also allowed more important noblemen, including William of Orange, to assist the Confederacy. In late , and early , it became clear that she would not be allowed to fulfil her promises, and when several minor rebellions failed, many Calvinists the major Protestant denomination and Lutherans fled the country.

He had been financially involved with several of the rebellions. After his arrival in August , Alba established the Council of Troubles known to the people as the Council of Blood to judge those involved in the rebellion and the iconoclasm. William was one of the 10, to be summoned before the Council, but he failed to appear. He was subsequently declared an outlaw, and his properties were confiscated.

As one of the most prominent and popular politicians of the Netherlands, William of Orange emerged as the leader of an armed resistance.

He financed the Watergeuzen, refugee Protestants who formed bands of corsairs and raided the coastal cities of the Netherlands often killing Spanish and Dutch alike.

He also raised an army, consisting mostly of German mercenaries to fight Alba on land. William allied with the French Huguenots, following the end of the second Religious War in France when they had troops to spare. Led by his brother Louis, the army invaded the northern Netherlands in However the plan failed almost from the start. The Huguenots were defeated by French Royal Troops before they could invade, and a small force under Jean de Villers was captured within two days.

Villers gave all the plans of the campaign to the Spanish following his capture. On 23 May, the army under the command of Louis won the Battle of Heiligerlee in the northern province of Groningen against a Spanish army led by the stadtholder of the northern provinces, Jean de Ligne, Duke of Aremberg. Aremberg was killed in the battle, as was William's brother Adolf. Alba countered by killing a number of convicted noblemen including the Counts of Egmont and Hoorn on 6 June , and then by leading an expedition to Groningen.

These two battles are now considered to be the start of the Eighty Years' War. William responded by leading a large army into Brabant, but Alba carefully avoided a decisive confrontation, expecting the army to fall apart quickly. As William advanced, riots broke out in his army, and with winter approaching and money running out, William decided to turn back but made several more plans to invade in the next few years Little came of them, since he lacked support and money.

He remained popular with the public, in part through an extensive propaganda campaign conducted through pamphlets. One of his most important claims, with which he attempted to justify his actions, was that he was not fighting the rightful owner of the land, the Spanish king, but only the inadequate rule of the foreign governors in the Netherlands, and the presence of foreign soldiers.

On 1 April a band of Watergeuzen captured the city of Brielle, which had been left unattended by the Spanish garrison. Contrary to their normal "hit and run" tactics, they occupied the town and claimed it for the prince by raising the Prince of Orange's flag above the city.

The rebel cities then called a meeting of the Staten Generaal which they were technically unqualified to do , and reinstated William as the stadtholder of Holland and Zeeland. Concurrently, rebel armies captured cities throughout the entire country, from Deventer to Mons.

William himself then advanced with his own army and marched into several cities in the south, including Roermond and Leuven. William had counted on intervention from the French Protestants Huguenots as well, but this plan was thwarted after the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre on 24 August, which signalled the start of a wave of violence against the Huguenots.

After a successful Spanish attack on his army, William had to flee and he retreated to Enkhuizen, in Holland. The Spanish then organised countermeasures, and sacked several rebel cities, sometimes massacring their inhabitants, such as in Mechelen or Zutphen.

They had more trouble with the cities in Holland, where they took Haarlem after seven months and a loss of 8, soldiers, and they had to break off their siege of Alkmaar. In , William's armies won several minor battles, including several naval encounters.

Their decisive victory in the Battle of Mookerheyde in the south east, on the Meuse embankment, on 14 April cost the lives of two of William's brothers, Louis and Henry. Requesens's armies also besieged the city of Leiden. They broke off their siege when nearby dykes were breached by the Dutch.

William was very content with the victory, and established the University of Leiden, the first university in the Northern Provinces. William had his previous marriage legally disbanded in , on claims that his wife Anna was insane. He then was married for the third time on 24 April to Charlotte de Bourbon-Monpensier, a former French nun, who was also popular with the public. Together, they had six daughters. The marriage, which seems to have been a love match on both sides, was happy.

After failed peace negotiations in Breda in , the war lingered on. The situation improved for the rebels when Don Requesens died unexpectedly in March , and a large group of Spanish soldiers, not having received their salary in months, mutinied in November of that year and unleashed the Spanish Fury on the city of Antwerp, a tremendous propaganda coup for the Dutch Revolt.

While the new governor, Don John of Austria, was under way, William of Orange managed to have most of the provinces and cities sign the Pacification of Ghent, in which they declared themselves ready to fight for the expulsion of Spanish troops together. However, he failed to achieve unity in matters of religion. Catholic cities and provinces would not allow freedom for Calvinists, and vice versa.

When Don John signed the Perpetual Edict in February , promising to comply with the conditions of the Pacification of Ghent, it seemed that the war had been decided in favour of the rebels. However, after Don John took the city of Namur in , the uprising spread throughout the entire Netherlands.

Don John attempted to negotiate peace, but the prince intentionally let the negotiations fail. On 24 September , he made his triumphal entry in the capital Brussels. At the same time, Calvinist rebels grew more radical, and attempted to forbid Catholicism in areas under their control. William was opposed to this both for personal and political reasons. He desired freedom of religion, and he also needed the support of the less radical Protestants and Catholics to reach his political goals. On 6 January , several southern provinces, unhappy with William's radical following, signed the Treaty of Arras, in which they agreed to accept their Catholic governor, Alessandro Farnese, Duke of Parma who had succeeded Don John.

Five northern provinces, later followed by most cities in Brabant and Flanders, then signed the Union of Utrecht on 23 January, confirming their unity. William was initially opposed to the Union, as he still hoped to unite all provinces. Nevertheless, he formally gave his support on 3 May. The Union of Utrecht would later become a de facto constitution, and would remain the only formal connection between the Dutch provinces until The Duke of Anjou, who had been recruited by William as the new sovereign of the Netherlands, was hugely unpopular with the public.

In spite of the renewed union, the Duke of Parma was successful in reconquering most of the southern part of the Netherlands. Because he had agreed to remove the Spanish troops from the provinces under the Treaty of Arras, and because Philip II needed them elsewhere subsequently, the Duke of Parma was unable to advance any further until the end of In the mean time, William and his supporters were looking for foreign support.

The Duke would gain the title "Protector of the Liberty of the Netherlands" and become the new sovereign. This, however, required that the Staten Generaal and William renounce their formal support of the King of Spain, which they had maintained officially up to that moment. This formal declaration of independence enabled the Duke of Anjou to come to the aid of the resisters. He did not arrive until 10 February , when he was officially welcomed by William in Flushing.

Although William suffered severe injuries, he survived thanks to the care of his wife Charlotte and his sister Mary. While William slowly recovered, the intensive care administered by Charlotte took its toll, and she died on 5 May. The Duke of Anjou was not very popular with the population. The provinces of Zeeland and Holland refused to recognise him as their sovereign, and William was widely criticised for what were called his "French politics".

When the Anjou's French troops arrived in late , William's plan seemed to pay off, as even the Duke of Parma feared that the Dutch would now gain the upper hand. However, the Duke of Anjou himself was displeased with his limited powers, and decided to take the city of Antwerp by force on 18 January The citizens, who had been warned in time, defended their city in what is known as the "French Fury".

Anjou's entire army was killed, and he received reprimands from both Catherine de Medici and Elizabeth I of England whom he had courted. The position of Anjou after this attack became untenable, and he eventually left the country in June. His departure also discredited William, who nevertheless maintained his support for Anjou. He stood virtually alone on this issue, and became politically isolated.

Holland and Zeeland nevertheless maintained him as their stadtholder, and attempted to declare him count of Holland and Zeeland, thus making him the official sovereign. In the middle of all this, William had married for the fourth and final time on 12 April to Louise de Coligny, a French Huguenot and daughter of Gaspard de Coligny.

She was to be the mother of Frederick Henry — , William's fourth legitimate son. Bullet holes from the murder at the Prinsenhof in Delft. He served in the army of the governor of Luxembourg, Peter Ernst I von Mansfeld-Vorderort for two years, hoping to get close to William when the armies met. He went to the Duke of Parma to present his plans, but the Duke was unimpressed. In May , he presented himself to William as a French nobleman, and gave him the seal of the Count of Mansfelt. This seal would allow forgeries of the messages of Mansfelt to be made.

On 10 July, he made an appointment with William of Orange in his home in Delft, nowadays known as the Prinsenhof. That day, William was having dinner with his guest Rombertus van Uylenburgh. He was tortured before his trial on 13 July, where he was sentenced to be brutally — even by the standards of that time — killed. Traditionally, members of the Nassau family were buried in Breda, but as that city was in Spanish hands when William died, he was buried in the New Church in Delft.

His monument on his tomb was originally very modest, but it was replaced in by a new one, made by Hendrik de Keyser and his son Pieter. Since then, most of the members of the House of Orange-Nassau, including all Dutch monarchs have been buried in the same church.

According to a British historian of science Lisa Jardine, he is reputed to be the first world head of state to be assassinated by handgun, but William was not officially head of state, and the Scottish Regent Moray had been shot 13 years earlier.

Philip William, William's eldest son by his first marriage, to Anna of Egmond, succeeded him as the Prince of Orange at the suggestion of Johan van Oldenbarneveldt.

Phillip William died in Brussels on 20 February and was succeeded by his half-brother Maurice, the eldest son by William's second marriage, to Anna of Saxony, who became Prince of Orange.

A strong military leader, he won several victories over the Spanish. Van Oldenbarneveldt managed to sign a very favourable twelve-year armistice in , although Maurice was unhappy with this. Maurice was a heavy drinker and died on 23 April from liver disease. Maurice had several sons by Margaretha van Mechelen, but he never married her. So, Frederick Henry, Maurice's half-brother and William's youngest son from his fourth marriage, to Louise de Coligny inherited the title of Prince of Orange.

Frederick Henry continued the battle against the Spanish. The Netherlands became formally independent after the Peace of Westphalia in The latter also became king of England, Scotland and Ireland from He appointed his cousin Johan Willem Friso William's great-great-great-grandson as his successor.

Because Albertine Agnes, a daughter of Frederick Henry, married William Frederik of Nassau-Dietz, the present royal house of the Netherlands is descended from William the Silent through the female line. As the chief financer and political and military leader of the early years of the Dutch revolt, William is considered a national hero in the Netherlands, even though he was born in Germany, and usually spoke French. Mis au courant par hasard, il sait taire son opposition.

Guillaume d'Orange condamne cette violence, mais comprend que l'Espagne n'acceptera plus de compromis. Devant l'opposition calviniste, l'accord ne se fait pas. C'est l'Union de Bruxelles. Ce candidat, c'est l'archiduc Matthias. Cet accommodement avec l'Espagne ne fera qu'appesantir le poids de celle-ci dans les Pays-Bas du Sud.

Voluptuous, red-haired American actress Jill St. John played countless bikini sexpot roles in Hollywood films of the s. Jill St. Jill was on stage and radio from age six, prodded by a typical stage mother. Her mother changed Jill's name from Oppenheim to to the more Hollywood-sounding St.

John when Jill was 11 and five years later, she gave her daughter a turned-up nose job so she would photograph better. Jill began blossoming and attracting attention in her late teens. In , she signed with Universal Pictures at age 16 and made her film debut in the romantic comedy Summer Love Charles F.

Haas, starring then-hot John Saxon. Moving ahead, she filled the bill as an exuberant, slightly dingy teen and as well as shapely love interest in such innocuous but fun films as The Remarkable Mr.

By the late s she had matured into a classy, ravishing redhead equipped with a knockout figure and sly, suggestive one-liners that had her male co-stars and audiences panting for more.

John absolutely smoldered on the big screen, a trendy, cosmopolitan presence in lightweight comedy, spirited adventure and spy intrigue who appeared alongside some of Hollywood's most handsome male specimens. Whether the extremely photogenic Jill had talent and she did! First she had been offered the role of Plenty O'Toole, but after the directors saw her, she got the bigger role as Tiffany Case.

Diamonds Are Forever was a commercial success. On camera, Jill St. John's glossy, jet-setting femme fatales had a delightful tongue-in-cheek quality to them. Off-camera, she lived the life of a jet-setter too and was known for her various romantic excursions with such eligibles as Frank Sinatra and even Henry Kissinger. Of her four marriages she never had children , which included millionaire Neil Dublin, the late sports car racer Lance Reventlow, son of Woolworth heiress Barbara Hutton, and singer Jack Jones, she found her soul mate in her fourth husband, actor Robert Wagner, whom she married in following an eight-year courtship.

Abandoning acting out of boredom, she has returned only on rare occasions. In the late s they started touring together in A.

Gurney's popular two-person stage reading of Love Letters. Jill's lifelong passion for cooking her parents were restaurateurs has turned profitable over the years. She also served as a food columnist for the USA Weeken" newspaper. She and husband Robert Wagner have homes in Aspen and L.

Doch es gibt keinen Kommunismus mehr, nur Russland, das seinen Kampf gegen den Imperialismus fortsetzt. Die Nachrichtenagentur Ansa berichtet in einer Doku-Reportage 4. Die neonazistischen Bataillone werden Teil der Nationalgarde, die durch US-amerikanische und britische Ausbilder trainiert wird. Der Rahmen ist klar. Fauve - Photographie Facebook. La seconde se trouve dans le jardin de Boboli qui est un vrai labyrinthe…. The idea puts came looking postcards sold in Italy.

The first photo is just a copy of the work since the original photo is prohibited. The second is in the Boboli Gardens which is a maze Left: David is a masterpiece of Renaissance sculpture, created by Michelangelo between and , It measures 4. Michelangelo took advantage of the narrow block of marble and around one of its defects a hole in which he widened the gap between the right arm and torso. Michelangelo's David has shown, a sling leather strap using slingshot by hand, just before his fight against Goliath.

Initially placed in front of the Palazzo Vecchio to symbolize the determination of a young republic against the tyrant, the original is from , exhibited in the Galleria dell'Accademia in Florence. Right: The Fontana del Bacchino "Fountain of Bacchus small" , which is in the Boboli Gardens, northwest of the Pitti Palace in Florence on a wall of the corridor that leads vasari near the garden of the Pitti up.

It is also called Fontanella del Nano Morgante "Fountain of the dwarf Morgante" as it is actually a statue of the dwarf Morgante named ironically, the favorite of Cosimo. It is a white marble statue cm high, which dates from and the most famous work of Valerio Cigoli. Bacchus is depicted riding a turtle that spits water in the bowl they overlook. His style, called "grotesque" is typical mannerist gardens Cinquecento and Seicento Italian sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

The statue is a copy exposed. L'idea mette venuto cartoline in cerca venduti in Italia. Michelangelo ha approfittato della stretta blocco di marmo e intorno a uno dei suoi difetti un buco in cui ha ampliato il divario tra il braccio destro e il tronco. David di Michelangelo ha dimostrato, una fionda cinturino in pelle con fionda a mano, poco prima della sua lotta contro Golia. A destra: La Fontana del Bacchino "Fontana di Bacco piccolo" , che si trova nel Giardino di Boboli, a nord ovest di Palazzo Pitti a Firenze, su una parete del corridoio che conduce Vasari vicino al giardino del Pitti up.

Le Tarot est le roi de la cartomancie. Le Fol est un vagabond de l'Excuse. Elle est double. Une ablution corporel et mystique dans les eaux vives et salutaires d'une source reconstituante. Celui qui veut, obtient.

A suivre A devastating tsunami, caused by an earthquake off Hokkaido, Japan kills on the small island of Okushiri. The ever popular Beanie Babies are launched. In technology the first bagless vacuum cleaner is invented and Intel introduces the Pentium Processor. Fighting occurs between Muslims and Croats in Bosnia. Britain's longest recession since the s was officially over as the economy grew during the first three months of the year.

The Conservatives claimed credit for the upturn in fortunes but critics claimed it was luck more than anything else. However it was achieved, it was welcomed by the nation's people who could now look forward to spending again. One new place they could spend at being Buckingham Palace; the public being allowed inside for the first time ever during the summer of ' Other news included an oil tanker carrying running aground near the Shetland Islands resulting in 84, tonnes of crude oil being spilled into the North Sea and a major ecological catastrophe ; and anti-racist demonstrations being held across London in response to criminal charges being dropped against two youths accused of murdering black teenager Stephen Lawrence.

Motivated by the belief that Mulder's sister had been abducted by little green men, they set about trying to find the 'truth'. These boys spent '93 becoming world famous for flicking between TV channels and playing football with frogs. With Britain itself still struggling to come up with any blockbuster movies of it's own, 'Jurassic Park' and 'Indecent Proposal' were the major films to hit cinemas during the year.

A year-old man will appear in court today charged with the murder of a man in Shotts, Strathclyde. Four of those killed were believed to have been returning home after new year celebrations when they were hit by vehicles, three of which did not stop.

In Plymouth, a year-old woman was raped as she walked through the Mutley area of the city, and a young man died after a fight at a wine bar.

Thames Valley and Dorset police forces said they were overwhelmed by the number of arrests; however, no serious disorder was reported among large crowds in Edinburgh and London. Police blamed speeding traffic for a vehicle crash in dense fog on the A2 trunk road in Kent; one woman died and 30 people were injured. The image of toddler James Bulger being led away from a shopping arcade by his killers still haunts years on.

Jon Venables and Robert Thompson were convicted of torturing and murdering the youngster, but their life sentences were set to a minimum of just eight years. The case is one of the most shocking crimes in recent UK history. James Bulger, who was just short of his third birthday, was murdered in February by two year-old boys who lured him away from a Liverpool shopping arcade while his mother was distracted. The boys, Robert Thompson and Jon Venables, led the crying toddler on a two and a half mile walk across the city to Walton.

There, on a rarely used piece of railway, they used bricks and sticks to beat and torture him and finally killed him by repeatedly dropping a 22lbs piece of steel railway track on his head. The killers then placed his body across a rail hoping people would think he had been killed by a train. When he was found two days later his body had been cut in half by a freight train but police examinations showed he was already dead before he was run over.

CCTV from the shopping centre showed him being led away by the two older boys, who were soon caught. Thompson and Venables were tried and convicted, becoming the youngest murderers ever in British history. The sheer numbers tell the story of the Bishopsgate bomb which exploded in the City of London on April 24 A far smaller number in the end is more significant: the bomb cost the life of one man, Ed Henty a News of the World photographer.

It also injured 44 more people. It was later found that the Provisional IRA had planted the bomb, loaded on the back of a tipper truck beneath some asphalt. They chose a Saturday morning to minimise casualties, and gave a warning well in advance of the It probably delayed the eventual settlement and hardened attitudes against the IRA; and it led to the City of London adopting ring-of-steel measures to defend against further attacks.

For most of Britain The Troubles in Northern Ireland were a tribal conflict that happened somewhere else. But for the majority of us living in smaller cities, towns and villages there was a sense of detachment from the horror. For Warrington that changed in early On February 26 a three-man IRA gang bombed a gasworks in the town, shooting a policeman as they escaped. That gang was quickly captured. Less than a month later, however, two more bombs exploded in the town centre on a busy shopping street.

More than 50 people were injured, some horrifically, as the devices had been carefully placed in cast-iron bins where they became giant grenades that sent shrapnel through the crowds. And tragically two children were murdered by the March 20 blasts: three-year-old Johnathan Bell died at the scene; year-old Tim Parry held on to life until March 25, the most innocent victims imaginable. Or maybe it was a soft target far from the normal view of the security services. Perhaps the child-killers excuse themselves by remembering that they telephoned a warning — just 14 minutes before the first explosion, and citing Liverpool not Warrington.

But it is to be hoped that those killers, who have still not been found, never pass a day without remembering their victims.

Whatever broadcasters and the press may say, there really are very few sporting events that capture the British imagination year after year. But The Grand National at Aintree combines all the elements required to make it truly special: there is danger sadly occasionally fatal danger for some of the horses ; endurance over the 4.

No wonder that in workplaces around the land we run sweepstakes; that grannies scan the racing pages for a nice name or a family connection before getting someone to nip down the bookies for them. And no wonder that we all felt somehow cheated by the event, a fiasco of false starts and failed communication that ended in the first void Grand National ever.

Extenuating circumstances included problems with demonstrators and wet weather. But a race watched by million people worldwide and with tens of millions of pounds staked on it deserved a better recall system than one man with a little flag alerted by another man with a little flag.

For the record the horses that set off on the last again false-started attempt to get the race underway were headed home by Esha Ness, ridden by John White and trained by Jenny Pitman. At it was a long-shot; but it would have been a worthy winner, setting the second fastest time in history in less than perfect conditions.

They call it the ball of the century now, which may just be hyperbole — not many of us saw all of the rest. Mike Gatting, solid not as solid as the pies made him and indeed Warne later on , unflappable, reputed to be one of the best English players of spin is facing Ashes debutant Shane Warne, at that time a very rare bird — a leg-spinner. It is day two of the Old Trafford Ashes test, England are 80 for 1 in reply to what looks like a disappointing all out by Australia, Gatting has been in for over a quarter of an hour for just four, made in one stroke on what is a tricky wicket.

Warne looks like some bloke off Bondi Beach, hair bleached by the sun, zinc cream on his lips to protect against the piercing heat of Lancashire in June. Having played for — and not been retained by — Accrington in the Lancashire League ignorance is not an excuse for the war-paint. We all expect a first-ball loosener; something gentle to make sure the action is working ok.

The batsman had moved to leg to cover the expected spin that would threaten leg stump. But the ball has veered about 18 inches left while progressing perhaps five or six feet forwards, deviating from its original trajectory by about 35 degrees.

For me the wonderful thing about that ball was what happened afterwards. Not a bunch of nasal Aussies congratulating their team-mate with manly hugs and back-slaps, but Mike Gatting walking off the pitch then pausing to look back at the stumps.

Behind his helmet visor you can see the bemused look on his face; you can see him trying to work out what the hell just happened. But for the next 14 years England would see plenty more of the same. Not exactly the same, as they knew what Warne could do. Ben Silcock, an inadequately treated schizophrenic patient, enters the lion enclosure in London Zoo.

Economists warn that it could hit a new high of more than 3,, by the end of this year. However, the Conservatives have still managed to cut Labour's lead in the opinion polls from 13 points to eight points, according to the latest MORI poll.

Ashe was believed to have contracted the virus from a blood transfusion during heart surgery 10 years ago. The Corporation receives over complaints about the violent nature of the episode, despite showing it after the watershed at pm and warning viewers accordingly. However, the episode achieves viewing figures of This will be the last Spring budget. On 25 March the blasts claim a second fatality when year-old Timothy Parry dies in hospital from his injuries.

April — Staples, an American office superstore chain, opens its first store in Britain in Swansea. The Grand National is declared void after 30 of the 39 runners begin the race, and carry on despite there having been a false start.

These repeats end in with series A newspaper photographer is killed. The recession began nearly three years ago and lasted much longer than most economists expected. The edition is later censured by the Independent Television Commission because the actors were promoting their joint business venture Planet Hollywood. Matthew Kelly takes on the role from Leslie Crowther, who is still recovering from head injuries received in a car crash the previous year. Tub of Lard MP" , as it is "imbued with much the same qualities and liable to give a similar performance".

The proof is slightly flawed, but Wiles announces a revised proof the following year. The series is won by Jacquii Cann, performing as Alison Moyet. This sees the Conservative parliamentary majority fall to 17 seats. The channel had originally launched in the United States in Unemployment falls this month by 49, — the biggest monthly fall since April — as the economic recovery continues. The ITC issues Channel 4 with a formal warning for an episode of the soap Brookside aired on 7 and 8 May, which depicted a wife stabbing her abusive husband to death.

National manager Graham Taylor is expected to leave the job imminently. The Welsh national side also missed out on a place in the World Cup after Paul Bodin misses a penalty in a 2—1 defeat at home to Romania. At the Welsh game, a year-old fan is killed by a rocket flare let off in the stands at Cardiff Arms Park.

An eleventh child dies in hospital several hours later and a twelfth in hospital as a result of their injuries on the following day, leaving just two girls surviving. The episode is part of the Children in Need telethon, and the first Doctor Who episode to be televised since the series ended in December The storyline was developed to win higher ratings for the series, which was threatened with cancellation due to low viewing figures.

However, although it succeeded in turning around the fortunes of the series, ITV received many complaints about the timing of the story which came shortly after the fifth anniversary of the Lockerbie Disaster. With the economy growing for the first time since spring , inflation is at a year low of 1. New car sales enjoy an increase this year for the first time since The Ford Escort is Britain's best selling car for the second year running, while the new Ford Mondeo and Vauxhall Corsa enjoy strong sales in their first year on the British market.

He would rejoin the band in Rick Astley retires from the music industry at the age of 27 after selling 40 million records in a five-year period. Cet homme avait deux coeurs. C'est ce que nous avons fait en demandant l'appui d'une puissance. Chefs et dignitaires. Le contexte : S. Calligraphy texts on silk in black ink in sino-Vietnamese, Framed by a painted frame representing elements of the anatomy of an imperial dragon of annam.

There are numerous stamps and imperial seals with black and red inks, including a very important one, that of ham-Nghi. According to the Translation, it is dated Dimensions: 55 x65 cm. We enclose both translations of this historic document.

The first dated 9 January by the interpreter s' office of Saigon, conducted by Vietnamese and French translators on behalf of the colonial authorities. Peace is no longer possible in our kingdom since it has fallen to the power of the enemy. So we invited the high dignitaries of the kingdom to meet in the secret council chamber to drink together the full blood cup swear the oath by blood and decide, by a solemn oath to destroy le and then postpone Our weapons on the cochinchine.

Who would have thought that tuong [Imperial Regent from to ] was a traitor to the motherland? This man had two hearts. We decided to ask for the support of another power.

We never regretted exposing our person; that is why we had to bear the deepest misery, crossing the mountains and the seas, exposing us to death, to return to Germany and pray to this nation to lend us its support. We have just arrived in canton where we have gathered in council, large and small dignitaries to take a final decision on the affairs of the country.

We are very pleased with the results of our efforts, which is why we are sending this proclamation to the mandarin of-Chanh-Hiep-Tieu, which is responsible for publishing it in secret and to ensure that our enemies are not aware of it.

When you see this proclamation, it will have to be presented as a national revenge. Is it permissible that in the same place the sky houses two different peoples? We are convinced that educated people, enlightened people in the kingdom, suffer from the state of misery under which the country is currently plunged.

We also urge them to use their full strength to the resistance. We have also decided to use de as well as the kingdom of ngu to exterminate the kingdom of quac and by this means to make the barbarians disappear. That is what we did by asking for the support of a power. However, many subjects are already together, but the money is missing. Where are they going to have to live? That is what worries us. That the subjects of lower [the south] who have remained faithful to our cause, mandarins or men of the people, are helping the motherland, sending what they can of money.

The context: His majesty the emperor of annam ham nghi is the eighth emperor of the Nguyen Dynasty Born Nguyen phuc ung lich, Emperor ham nghi acceded to the throne in August until July , while the French invaded le and put the entire annam under their protectorate.

Captured in November , ham nghi was exiled on 12 December of the same year. He died on 14 January in Algiers and was buried at cemetery in dordogne.

Tome Ier - Si transieritis Bituricas, cum Odone de Dolis amice loquimini. Inveni illum in Romano itinere prudentem virum, et spero vobis obsequentissimum fore, siquid obsequii vultis ab eo. Est etiam comiti nostro G uillelmo satelles fidissimus et familiarissimus. Tous partirent le 1". Il accompagnera Saint Louis en Terre Sainte.

Outre quoi, ils. Quatre sur six mille! L'histoire ne le dit point. Probable est-il au moins que l'on pendit tous ceux qu'on ramassa. Tome 43 - - Simon Bryant. Les contreforts sont refaits. I leave you but return to you. When you see my power fade and the leaves fall from the trees. When snow obliterates like death and all traces of me upon the Earth, then look for me inside the moon and there in the heavens you will see the soul of me soaring still amongst the stars.

And in the darkest time when the moon is covered by shadow and there is no trace of Me in Heaven or on Earth; when you look outward and your life seems cold, dark and barren, let not despair eat at your hearts. For I am hidden. I am renewing when I am waning. I am readying for return. Reworking of an old image. All photographs and textures are my own, except for the "moon" image, which is by Andy Hamilton and used with permission. If he wanted me, he could get me.

In Afghanistan the Islamist movement dates back to the end of the s. The split between the Jamiat-i Islami and the Hezb-i Islami occurred during the exile of the Afghan Islamist movement in Peshawar Pakistan in the early s. It was both a political split the Jamiat adopting a more moderate line on issues like political alliances and connections with the traditional ulema and an ethnic one the Jamiat being mainly based in Persian-speaking areas, and the Hezb among non-tribal Pashtuns.

Early in the war against the Soviet troops the Jamiat lost most of its ideological motivation. Its main military commander in Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah Masud, did not care about ideology and was only concerned about getting the support of local ulema.

The Jamiat has never been more than a loose association of local military commanders, most of them former university students, without any strong political apparatus. It recruited mainly among Sunni Persian speakers the so-called Tajiks , although it has always had an Uzbek and Pashtun minority. On the other hand, the Hezb remained a small, centralised political party, where precedence was always given to the political leadership at the expense of more militarily able commanders.

The war against the Soviets exacerbated the ethnic polarisation which had always been present. This was seen by many Pashtuns as a repetition of the takeover of the capital by the Tajik Bacha-ye Saqqao in , the only example of a non-Pashtun leadership since the creation of the Afghan state in During the bloody civil war that followed the Hezb-i Islami, despite Pakistani support, was unable to retake Kabul, even if it succeeded in destroying the city.

Masud, in charge of Kabul, did little to restore law and order, but did not impose an ideological agenda on the population; female, pro-communist civil servants, including TV anchorwomen and airline stewardesses, were authorised to keep their positions, if wearing the scarf. In , a crowd of Jamiat militants burnt the Pakistani Embassy in Kabul in retaliation for the support provided by Islamabad to Hikmetyar. The Jamiat at that time became an Afghan nationalist party, with a narrower ethnic basis made essentially of Tajiks.

This led to the withdrawal of Saudi support. Added to its inability to kick Masud out of Kabul, this stance led to growing disaffection among its external supporters.

In , when the Taliban movement rose around Kandahar, Pakistan shifted its support from the Hezb to this other Pashtun fundamentalist movement. In , the Hezb headquarters in the vicinity of Kabul were taken and destroyed by the Taliban. That was the end of the Hezb-i Islami: it had lost both its Pashtun constituency and its foreign support to the Taliban.

The Hezb-i Wahdat is exclusively Hazara. Ethnic polarisation is the key factor of Afghan politics, although the Taliban, as we shall see, brought a new ideological dimension. The Islamic volunteers in Afghanistan: from anti-communist to anti-Western jihad After , young Islamist radicals were recruited throughout the Middle East and sent to Peshawar in Pakistan. Trained in special camps on the Afghan— Pakistani border, they were dispatched to help the Afghan Mujahedin, especially the most radical among them, Gulbuddin Hikmetyar.

The networks in charge of bringing the volunteers to Peshawar were mainly staffed by sympathisers Islamism in Central Asia 65 or members of the different branches of the Muslim Brotherhood. This man, who earned great respect among Afghan Mujahedin, died in a mysterious car bombing in September in Peshawar. Another important actor was the then-Saudi millionaire Osama Bin Laden.

The goal for the Pakistanis, Saudis and some Americans was to turn antiWestern Islamic fundamentalism against the communist camp.

The Saudis were also trying to undermine support for Iran among the Islamists by promoting their own brand of fundamentalism. The Pakistanis had a further agenda. From the beginning of the war he had the feeling that the USSR would withdraw sooner or later and that the Soviet Muslims would become independent. The only common denominator of this area was the Sunni Muslim identity of the diverse ethnic groups living within it.

Even if most of the militants were close to the Muslim Brothers, the brand of Islam they were promoting was in fact closer to Saudi Wahhabism.

After the Soviet withdrawal in February many militants returned home and joined or founded more radical splinter groups. They are even more numerous in the radical GIA, all the initial leaders of which were returnees from Afghanistan: Tayyeb al-Afghani killed in , Jaffar alAfghani killed in and Sherif Gusmi killed in These groups turned anti-Western and anti-Saudi in the early s although they continued to receive money from private Saudi sources.

The Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, followed by the collapse of the USSR, made obsolete the anti-communist motivation but not the call for jihad. Sheikh Omar Abdurrahman, who was sentenced for the blast, had spent years in Peshawar, and two of his sons are still with the Taliban. After the death of Azzam these loose networks were reorganised under the leadership of Osama Bin Laden, with the help of alZawahiri and Hamza.

Its discourse and terminology were close to the Islamist vulgate. Intellectuals with a secular background are the main social basis of the IRP. This double identity is especially strong in rural Tajikistan, where there is no real urban elite. They received a deep religious education by Soviet standards by participating in clandestine educational networks. But as early as the IRP split into national branches.

These events show how the Tajik IRP has lost almost all its ideological references to become more of a nationalist party, advocating the strengthening of the Tajik nation against Uzbek encroachment, and supporting ethnic Tajiks in Afghanistan against the mainly Pashtun Taliban movement. Repressed by the Uzbek government and deprived of any opportunity to participate in national politics, it based itself in Taliban-held areas of Afghanistan. It launched armed attacks through Tajik and Kyrgyz territories in August and , making use of former connections with Tajik IRP commanders in the upper Gharm valley.

Its alliance with radical Afghan and Pakistani groups has been more tactical than strategic. The IMU too is more an islamo-nationalist party than a supra-nationalist movement.

It was founded in in Amman Jordan as a splinter from the Muslim Brotherhood. The party migrated to Beirut and then to London, where its nature changed. It has made a breakthrough in Uzbekistan and among ethnic Uzbeks in northern Tajikistan and southern Kyrgyzstan. Despite the fact that it does not promote armed struggle, its members are prosecuted by the authorities in these countries. It has not had contact with the Afghan Taliban. Most of the Islamist movements of Central Asia — with the exception of HT, which experienced the reverse trend — have become islamo-nationalist; they cast their policy in a national framework and contribute to the strengthening of national identities by bringing into the political scene groups which were previously excluded.

But their main weakness is their narrow ethnic or regional basis, which obliges them to search for coalitions and thus increases their de-ideologisation. The radicalisation of traditional clerical networks The Taliban did not come from nowhere when they appeared as a political and military movement in August Afghanistan and Pakistan are one the few parts of the contemporary Muslim world where an active development of rural madrassas took place after The madrassas were not organised into a hierarchical teaching system.

Their importance often depended on their director and the money he could attract. Some were linked to small fundamentalist groups like the Ahl-i Hadith movement, but the bulk of them were linked to the Deobandi school of thought, which is dominant in northern Pakistan.

This school was established by the eighteenth century Muslim reformist Shah Walliullah — , and his sons and grandsons. In a madrassa was opened near Delhi, in Deoband. There have been many reasons for the extension of networks of private madrassas in rural areas. In Pakistan, the main reason was probably the crisis of the government educational network. In Afghanistan, it was due more to the reluctance of traditional social groups to send their sons to government schools.

Historically, Afghanistan never had high-level madrassas. The ulema studied in Bukhara for the north and until , but more often in India. Linguistic ties between the Pashtuns on either side of the border strengthened ties, but teaching was in Persian, Urdu, Pashtu and Arabic. The biggest madrassa is probably the Madrassa Haqqania. After years of study, students would come back to Afghanistan, either to join an existing madrassa or to found their own.

The trans-border ties were perpetuated by the constant movement of Afghan students. In Afghanistan madrassa networks were strong in the area between Ghazni and Kandahar, the cradle of the Taliban. Some were to be found in the northern area northern Badakhshan. Sometimes they moved to more remote areas. The ties with their Pakistani counterparts were extended in order to obtain money and weapons.

They offered scholarships for study in the Gulf. Another aspect of Saudi involvement was in the political struggle in Pakistan. The Saudis, who had helped the JI in the s, reinforced their support for more traditional groups like the JUI when, during the Kuwait crisis, the JI condemned their call on Western troops. They do not share the political, social and economic agenda of Islamists like the Muslim Brothers. They are far from the radical revolutionary movements of Iran or Sudan, which stress the reinforcement of a strong central state.

Their main problem was with the urban population which saw them rightly as poorly educated peasants, unable to deal with the complexity of urban life and administration. The Taliban also embody an ethnic Pashtun identity. It also provided a bridge with the Pakistani Pashtuns or Pathans, who are strongly represented in the Pakistani military apparatus as well as in the neofundamentalist movements. As is usual in rural Muslim societies, charismatic movements waging jihad in the name of the Islamic ummah left untouched the traditional segment of society, which inevitably made a comeback.

Three elements characterise these groups. Nowhere is their conservatism more obvious than in their attitude towards women. They are also strongly opposed to music, the arts, and entertainment. Unlike the Islamists they do not have an economic or social agenda. While anti-imperialist slogans have been common among Islamist movements from the s onwards, and political anti-Zionism turned into antiSemitism some time ago among many Muslim intellectual and not necessarily religious circles, the anti-Christian propaganda among Sunni movements is rather new.

The Islamists were not anti-Christian as such; in Iran during the revolution there were no attacks on churches and the Egyptian Muslim Brothers have not cracked down on the Copts. The idea was that there is some common ground between true believers. The second point is that these movements are supra-national. The main suspect, Mohammed Howeida, is a Palestinian born in Jordan, trained in Afghanistan, and married to a Kenyan, and he held a Yemeni passport. These movements do not care about borders and national interests.

It would, for example, have been in the national interest of the Taliban to expel not extradite Bin Laden and then to obtain full diplomatic recognition, but Mullah Omar, their charismatic leader, simply did not care. The borders between Afghanistan and Pakistan have little meaning. While Islamists do adapt to the nation-state, neo-fundamentalists embody the crisis of the nation-state, squeezed between intra-state solidarities and globalisation. The state level is bypassed and ignored.

The Taliban care little about the state: Mullah Omar rarely attended the Council of Ministers or went to the capital. In fact, this new brand of supra-national neo-fundamentalism is more a product of contemporary globalisation than of the Islamic past. It is probably a paradox of globalisation that modern, supra-national networks and traditional, even archaic, intra-state forms of relationships tribalism, for instance, or religious Islamism in Central Asia 73 school networks have been linked in this way.

Even the very sectarian form of their religious beliefs and attitudes make the neo-fundamentalists look like other sects spreading all over the planet. The consequence is that there is little in common between these neofundamentalist groups and the mainstream Islamist movements which are now integrated into nation-state politics, with one exception — Pakistan and Afghanistan. Islamabad strived hard to help the Taliban achieve a full victory in Afghanistan.

This policy was reaching its limits even before 11 September. Taken by surprise by the Soviet withdrawal in , followed by the collapse of the Soviet Union in , Tehran kept to a cautious policy in Afghanistan. Tehran always acknowledged that any government in Kabul should be Pashtun and Sunni and did not challenge Pakistani supremacy, but rejected Pakistani hegemony.

From onwards it gave strong military support to Masud, whom it had previously shunned. Although Masud was a Persian-speaker, the Iranian policy had nothing to do with ethnicity but was purely 74 Olivier Roy pragmatic — to prevent any Taliban hegemony in order to push the Taliban towards negotiation. The same pragmatic approach was applied in Tajikistan. Iran supported the IRP during the civil war in , but kept open channels of communication with the ruling regime the Iranian Embassy has never been closed in Dushanbe.

Iran advocated a coalition government of the two factions and worked closely with Moscow to achieve this, even if relations between the two countries have not always been trusting. In June the agreement on a coalition government illustrated the success of this joint Russo-Iranian approach. All Central Asian governments, while abiding by the UNimposed sanctions on the Taliban, advocated negotiations with them.

The Taliban did not interfere outside Afghanistan but, by giving asylum to radical Islamists, they enabled the creation of a militant Islamist nexus, whose real centre and command was not in their hands. Its two centres of operation were the Islamist hub in Pakistan and the al-Qaida movement in Afghanistan. My source is the Tajik journal Hedayat, no.

All the quotations are from this issue. Chapter Title 5 75 The contestation of Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia A nascent security threat Shirin Akiner During the Soviet era, links between Central Asia and the Middle East, in so far as they existed at all, dated from the s and were mostly related to the use of Islam as a tool of Soviet foreign policy.

Contacts in this period included the participation of Central Asian clerics in international Islamic conferences and exchange visits of high level delegations. When the Soviet Union disintegrated, the newly independent Central Asian states Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan established formal diplomatic relations with these and other countries of the Middle East.

However, informal links developed outside the purview of the authorities, leading to the dissemination of new ideas, new interpretations of the faith. Throughout the seventy-odd years of Soviet rule, Central Asian Muslims were almost entirely isolated from the wider Islamic community. During this period they experienced complex cultural and social transformations.

In some ways their history is unique and sets them apart from the rest of the Muslim world. Yet increasingly, as they become more integrated into the international community, so their responses to Islam are beginning to resemble those that are found elsewhere.

In particular there are striking parallels with the situation in some Middle Eastern states. Thus there is cooptation of Islam by ruling elites, underpinned by close government control over Islamic institutions.

Likewise, leaders draw on Islamic rhetoric and symbolism to validate their regimes. A similar model is being created in Central Asia today, where competition between these 76 Shirin Akiner forces — government and radical Muslim opposition — has resulted in proliferating outbreaks of militant confrontation.

Increasingly, Islam — or more precisely, the contestation of Islam — has become a security issue. This chapter examines the Central Asian context.

Thereafter it spread northwards and was gradually embraced by the nomads of the steppes and mountains. Some would argue that the Islamicisation of these peoples was not fully accomplished until the nineteenth century. The main exception was the small and scattered community of Ismailis in Gorno-Badakhshan modern Tajikistan. During the Soviet era Islam was severely persecuted and its infrastructure almost totally destroyed. During World War II a state-controlled Muslim hierarchy was re-established and some of the formal elements of religious observance were permitted to reappear.

The result of this constant pressure was that by the s Islam had become more a marker of cultural and ethnic identity than an active spiritual commitment for most Central Asians. The chief manifestations of allegiance to Islam in this period were the celebration of religious ceremonies connected with rites of passage, such as male circumcision, marriage and burial. There was also widespread observance of a number of folk traditions. In popular understanding these were considered to be part of the Muslim tradition, but in fact they were syncretic accretions of various origins.

They included pilgrimages to hallowed places for example, the graves of holy men and the performance of associated rituals intended to secure divine assistance and protection. The impetus for this came from two directions.

One was a grassroots movement of Muslim regeneration. It was very small scale, probably embracing no more than a few thousand individuals, and located mainly in rural areas of Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia 77 Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

Inevitably, these neophytes soon aroused suspicion. They were harassed and spasmodically punished by the state authorities. The government began to adopt a conciliatory attitude towards the religious establishment as a response to two quite different concerns.

The perception of Islam as a potential menace was to some extent inspired by the writings of Western scholars, who frequently stressed that the rapid demographic growth of the Soviet Muslim population would endanger the stability of the Soviet Union and might even bring about its dissolution. Much emphasis was placed on the historic tradition of Islam in the region, as witnessed by the works of great medieval scholars such as alBukhari and al-Tirmizi. The explicit message was that Central Asians should be proud of their own form of Islam and did not need to imitate others: on the contrary, they could act as exemplars for Muslims in other countries.

The other concern for the Soviet authorities at this time was the urgent need to improve economic performance. The state was suffering a systemic crisis, but the full scale of the problems had not yet become apparent and blame was largely laid on human failings, particularly on corruption. In Central Asia, as part of this policy, Islam began to be presented in a positive light, with much emphasis on its ethical values.

To help spread this message, many mosques were opened more in —91 than at any time in the previous seven decades and there was a steep rise in the availability of religious literature and facilities for the study of the Quran. Working in different spheres, within different organisational frameworks, their efforts were often complementary. They were generally welcomed by the public at large, but there was too little time for any real transformation to take place.

By the end of the Soviet era there was a widespread consensus that Islam must play a greater role in society, but there was no real concept as to what that role should be. There was also no debate as to how Islamic precepts should be interpreted and implemented in contemporary conditions. In fact, for the overwhelming majority of the population, Islam was still primarily understood and observed in terms of tradition and symbol. As the situation unfolded, however, a more complex picture emerged.

Yet despite fears of an over-spill effect, the experience of Tajikistan has not, to date, been repeated in the other states. However, any serious debate of the issue is greatly impeded by the fact that very little concrete information is available.

There are huge regional variations in the historical experience of Islam, as well as in contemporary socio-economic Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia 79 indicators for example, levels of urbanisation, demographic increase, educational standards, geographic mobility and ethnic heterogeneity.

To complicate matters further, researchers who have worked in the same area, at approximately the same time, often come to very different conclusions. Given these problems it is virtually impossible to gain a comprehensive overview of the situation. They represent an evolution of the tendencies that emerged in the s, but in a more intense and segmented form. This may be expressed in a variety of ways, encompassing different degrees of religious observance. Moreover, there is still great attachment to popular practices which, though understood as being Islamic, are contrary to orthodox teachings.

Yet whatever the level or form of active participation in religion, the emphasis tends to be on preserving continuity rather than searching for enlightenment, or for a deeper understanding of the faith.

This situation may be changing, albeit slowly. In the immediate aftermath of independence there was a great upsurge of enthusiasm for mosque construction.

In Kyrgyzstan, for example, there were only 34 mosques open for worship in , but about 1, in ; in Uzbekistan, in the same period, the number rose from 87 to 3, Moreover, many Muslim schools and madrassas were opened and courses were provided for children and adults in the study of Arabic, the Quran, and related religious topics.

The physical closeness of places of worship encouraged people to attend services on a regular basis, and in the early s mosque congregations grew rapidly. By about , however, the novelty was beginning to wear off and a marked drop in attendance was to be observed throughout the region. Since then there appears to have been a gradual recovery, particularly in the south notably the Ferghana Valley and southern Kazakhstan.

Some researchers claim that this is happening mainly in villages, among males in the to year-old age group. Others insist that it is more typical of traders and businessmen in urban areas, i. There are no corroborated statistics available on this trend, so it is impossible to judge how strong or how widespread it is, but that there is some shift in this direction seems to be beyond dispute.

Today, the Constitutions of all the Central Asian countries enshrine the principle of the division of religion and state. Yet throughout the region Islam has been elevated to a status akin to that of a state ideology. Consequently, in all the Central Asian states a campaign was immediately set in motion to emphasise the role of Islam as an integral component of the national heritage, and likewise of the ethical foundation of the state.

On a personal level, the heads of state all former Communist Party members who came to power under Soviet rule have been at pains to establish Muslim credentials. However, he too gradually began to adopt an overtly pro-Islamic stance. As one Kazakh commentator pointed out, when the head of state makes such a pronouncement it takes on the force of a political directive — a violation of the principle of freedom of conscience that is guaranteed in the Constitution. The law adopted in Uzbekistan in is regarded as the most restrictive.

However, the draft amendments under consideration in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan propose measures that are almost equally severe. Political parties of a religious orientation are Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia 81 proscribed everywhere except in Tajikistan, where in mid, in the run-up to parliamentary elections, the Islamic Rebirth Party, outlawed in , was again legalised.

However, the sphere of application is strictly limited. Yet there is no public debate in any of the Central Asian countries as to where, and on what basis, the dividing line should be drawn between the acceptable and the unacceptable. Thus, men who grow beards a traditional Muslim sign of piety are regarded with suspicion, particularly in Uzbekistan where they run the risk of summary arrest.

The institutional control of Islamic activities in present-day Central Asia largely follows the Soviet model. The work of the Muftiat is closely monitored by a Committee or Council for Religious Affairs, a body that serves as the interface between the government and the religious communities yet another Soviet-era survival.

In Turkmenistan, the Muftiat and the Committee have virtually merged into a single entity, as the Chairman of the latter body is the Deputy Mufti, while the Mufti is Deputy Chairman of the Committee. The Muftiat is responsible, amongst a number of other functions, for the formal examination and registration of Muslim clerics. Unregistered preachers are liable to criminal prosecution. This is indeed a serious issue. In Kyrgyzstan, for example, it was estimated that a third of all those who applied for registration in lacked the most basic level of religious training.

At the same time, however, registration also enables the state authorities to keep a close check on the ideological orientation of the religious establishment. The most marked example of government control over the Muslim establishment is in Uzbekistan. Elsewhere in the region state control of the religious establishment is well below the Uzbek level, but nevertheless it has increased noticeably in recent years.

This left the former in a very vulnerable position. They reacted by adopting a stance that was aggressively antagonistic, railing against both debased folk interpretations of Islam and the compromised government-sponsored interpretation. By contrast, the traditionalists were regarded as allies. Thus, in the early s, there was a tactical realignment amongst the Muslims, with the traditionalists and the representatives of government institutions reaching a degree of accommodation, united by their opposition to the radicals.

It is equally impossible to gauge how much popular support they enjoy, but to the extent that publicly expressed opinions can be trusted, the prevalent attitude towards them seems to be extremely negative. Names of some of these groups appear in the press from time to time, but with almost no background information.

Most seem to be relatively new scarcely any are mentioned in sources prior to However, where it is possible to trace the biographies of the leaders of these groups, and likewise the genealogy of their ideas, it is obvious that they emanate from Soviet-era revivalist circles. The great majority of them are Uzbeks. The two groups that are currently mentioned most frequently are the Hezb-i Tahrir transliterated in various forms and translated as either Liberation or Correction Party , and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.

The latter is a local group, based predominantly in the Ferghana Valley eastern Uzbekistan and bordering regions of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. It is impossible, given the dearth of reliable information, to establish the degree to which they are linked.

Initially, they seem to have been quite separate organisations, but there were rumours by the end of the s that some degree of rapprochement had taken place. Hezb-i Tahrir seems to be the larger group; such evidence as there is mostly anecdotal suggests that it has a regional membership of several thousand at a rough estimate, around 8,—10, It also appears to have a fairly strong, cell-based organisational structure, an energetic recruitment policy, and a strategic training programme.

Literature produced by Hezb-i Tahrir is circulated covertly though how wide a section of the population it reaches is a moot point. The aims and objectives of these two groups are vague. They believe that society — and particularly the government and the government-sponsored Muslim administration — is spiritually bankrupt and ignorant of true Islam.

This state of decadence can only be reversed by a full and genuine return to Muslim values, within the framework of an Islamic state modelled on the Caliphate of early Islam though whether this is a distant vision for the future or an immediate, practical goal is not clear. This has led to accusations that they are plotting to overthrow by force the government and the constitutional system of the country.

The evidence that has been produced on this point is ambiguous. Some of the supposedly incriminating documents, especially of Hezb-i Tahrir, indicate non-violent advocacy of an Islamic system; arguably, this falls within the constitutionally permitted limits of freedom of expression in each of the Central Asian states. Human rights organisations Uzbek and international which have been monitoring developments in the region for some years record that there have been repeated waves of mass arrests in Uzbekistan since There have also been several reports of assault, of torture of those in custody, and of the unexplained disappearances of Muslim clerics, among them the imams religious leaders of some of the major mosques in Tashkent and other cities.

During the presidential elections of several peaceful demonstrations were held here calling for the establishment of an Islamic state. The party received some support from the authorities at this time and there were reports that President Karimov himself was not unsympathetic to their views.

Within a few months, however, the main ringleaders had been arrested and put on trial. Most were given long jail sentences. In and there were renewed rounds of arrests in Namangan well over a hundred cases have been documented. However, many of those who were detained and subsequently punished were leading members of mosques and religious organisations.

Relatives, male and female, of Muslim activists were also arrested. Some of the evidence used to convict the prisoners narcotics, weapons, illegal literature, etc. There were multiple arrests in other parts of Uzbekistan during these years, but nowhere on such a scale as in Namangan. On 16 February there was an attempt on the life of President Karimov in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan. This triggered a renewed onslaught on Muslims who were perceived to be over-zealous in their pious devotions.

This time, however, accusations of plotting to kill the President were also levelled at the leaders, now living in exile abroad, of Erk Freedom and Birlik Unity , opposition parties espousing democratic platforms that were founded in the late s. There were many puzzling aspects to the February episode. However, on the basis of the evidence presented so far this does not seem to be a wholly convincing explanation. Moreover, whoever the perpetrators were, the incident was used as an excuse to conduct a witch-hunt against all shades of dissident opinion.

In private, some Central Asians admitted that such ruthless repression was forging a militant opposition and leading to the very instability that everyone feared. However, in public, the governments of the other Central Asian states supported the Uzbek government and in some cases extradited suspects.

Violent incidents continued to proliferate. Estimates of the size of this troop vary greatly, but it seems likely to have numbered some men. When the guerrillas reached the border they found Uzbek troops blocking their route; thereupon they retreated into the Kyrgyz mountains, taking with them a number of hostages including four Japanese geologists. The Kyrgyz army was unable to dislodge them for over two months.

The aircraft misjudged their target and innocent Kyrgyz villagers were killed. Tajik villages were also bombed. The hostages were eventually released in October , reputedly after the Japanese government had paid a large ransom. There were similar armed clashes in the same area in mid, though on a smaller scale. Minor insurgencies elsewhere in Uzbekistan have been reported from time to time in the press. The August insurgency was a new departure, an escalation from isolated acts of terrorism to a sustained, relatively large-scale operation.

There is no information as to why such an attack was launched at precisely this juncture. It may, too, have been retaliation for the repression that followed the February bombing in Tashkent. By some accounts the combatants were armed with sophisticated modern weapons. There may also have been an element of local nationalism, since there were reports that some of the insurgents carried banners calling for a restoration of the Khanate of Kokand.

Accordingly, in September the US State Department placed the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan on the list of international terrorist organisations to which US citizens are forbidden to give assistance, and whose members are denied entry to the USA.

There is an element of truth in this. Students from Central Asia have gone in quite large numbers a few hundred a year to study in countries such as Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan. Since independence many thousands of Central Asians have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, some already two or three times.

In the early s the travel expenses of several thousand pilgrims were covered by the Saudi monarch, and again in All the Central Asian states have now joined the Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia 87 Organisation of the Islamic Conference, hence there are also institutional links with the Muslim world.

Gradually, though, the mood in the region began to change. On the other, the state authorities also became uneasy that the missionaries were encouraging independent Islamic thought. In —93 some 50 Saudi preachers were expelled. Other expulsions followed and since then the activities of foreign Muslims have been very carefully monitored. A similar tendency is to be observed in the other states.

Foreign commentators initially expected that Iran would play the lead role in the re-Islamicisation of Central Asia. In fact, Iranian clerics have been conspicuous largely by their absence. They soon realised that an Islamic revolution along the lines of the Iranian model was not a realistic prospect; this was partly because of the very low level of knowledge of Islam among the population at large but also, and very importantly, because of the lack of trained, independent-minded ulema Muslim scholars.

Turkish Muslims played the most prominent role. They were more numerous than any other ethnic group. The Nurcus opened hundreds of schools and commercial enterprises in all the Central Asian states. They appeared to be propagating a moderate, modernised version of Islam. There are increasing concerns that their ultimate political project is the creation of an Islamic state. They are also accused by some of having a pan-Turkic agenda.

Because of such suspicions their newspaper Zaman Time was banned in Uzbekistan in ; several teachers were 88 Shirin Akiner expelled at about the same time. In other Central Asian states a similar sense of unease is emerging regarding the activities of this group and consequently their work is now being more closely monitored. Fears that foreign Muslims were fomenting religious extremism and militancy in Central Asia continued to grow.

On their return home, so it was claimed, they set up cells of activists in villages and towns. Later, other governments in the region also became suspicious of the education offered by foreign Muslims. In October President Nazarbayev ordered the recall of Kazakh students studying in Islamic institutions abroad.

President Karimov has also accused international Islamic organisations of perpetrating terrorist acts in Central Asia. Likewise, it is frequently alleged that Osama Bin Laden is funding militant operations in the region. How far any of these claims can be substantiated is open to question, since as yet little concrete evidence has been produced.

However, the rhetoric used by the Islamist groups that are operating in Central Asia strongly resembles that of radical Islamist groups elsewhere. Thus they make natural partners, sharing common understandings and goals. These states are no longer as isolated as they once were. Improved communications and information technologies, as well as opportunities to work and study in other countries, are broadening horizons, particularly for the younger generation.

Moreover, a variety of faiths and denominations is now represented in the region. Nevertheless, despite such pressures, ethnic Central Asians, particularly Kyrgyz and Kazakhs, are converting to these sects in substantial numbers. Thus there is today a somewhat greater degree of religious heterogeneity than was the case a decade ago. Yet this diversity is still relatively small scale. Moreover, as discussed above, Islam, in various guises, is playing an increasingly important role in society.

Under Soviet rule, the level of socioeconomic development here was not far below that of many industrialised countries. In recent years, however, large sections of the population have seen standards of living plummet. There is now widespread poverty and lack of access to basic social services; indicators of human development are approaching those of the poorest countries in the world.

Corruption has spiralled out of control. In these conditions it is not surprising that people turn to religion for guidance, certainty and above all, hope for a better future.

Much of the appeal of the radical Islamists lies in the fact that they offer simple and simplistic explanations and remedies for the ills of society.

Might radical Islam be a threat to stability? Have particular governments exaggerated, or alternatively underestimated, the seriousness of the situation? Such questions concentrate attention on individual events, but the lack of reliable information makes it impossible to gauge the importance of such incidents with any degree of assurance.

Meanwhile, there is little attempt to identify underlying trends. Yet it is these trends that are shaping the future. This was not solely owing to the activities of radical groups: governments too, especially that of Uzbekistan, engaged in the contestation of Islamic legitimacy. The discourse of opposition was likewise cast in doctrinal terms. This has placed Islam in the centre of the political arena.

It might have been supposed that this would lead to a dilution of the purely religious content of the agenda.

On the contrary, doctrinal legitimacy appears to be assuming an ever more powerful role. Government resort to the tactics of war is mirrored by the growing militarisation of the opposition. This creates an atmosphere of fear, but also of anger; it creates victims, but also martyrs. This cycle of violence will surely lead to a hardening of attitudes on both sides. A more productive approach, it might be supposed, would be dialogue, peace-building and ultimately the inclusion of dissident voices in government.

This is the strategy that is favoured by concerned international observers. However, attempts at power-sharing have had little success elsewhere in the Islamic world and would probably not succeed here. This is, after all, not simply a power struggle: basic principles of belief are at issue, hence there is little room for compromise.

Economic recovery would undoubtedly help to alleviate some of the tensions. However this cannot happen overnight. Moreover, it will certainly not be a miracle panacea. It could well lead to greater inequalities in standards of living, greater societal fragmentation; this would surely deepen the crisis. Likewise, political liberalisation might provide a peaceful outlet for the expression of dissident views, yet the cultural and social traditions of the region, as shaped by both Soviet and pre-Soviet experiences, reveal strongly authoritarian, repressive tendencies.

Even the Central Asians who currently regard themselves as democrats show little understanding of the principles of liberal democracy. Thus, despite the fact that much lip service is paid to the need for democratisation, in reality, there seems little hope that such a transformation will be achieved in the near future.

Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia 91 A benign momentum might possibly be fostered by the training that is being provided through international aid and development programmes. Such schemes do make a positive contribution to the creation of more open, tolerant societies. These programmes are mostly small in scope, duration and catchment area. Thus, they will take some considerable time to achieve critical mass.

However, such undertakings tend to be poorly funded and are often hampered by problems on the ground such as obstructive bureaucrats. Moreover, they are not always well designed, being based on scant knowledge of local conditions, and consequently, they have proved to be of limited value.

Economic collapse is triggering a process of de-modernisation and de-skilling, especially in rural areas where the great majority of the indigenous population still lives. It is not surprising that in these circumstances people increasingly seek the comfort and reassurance of religious faith. The great majority of the population continues to espouse a passive, traditionalist approach to Islam.

Even educated Central Asians tend to avoid intellectual engagement with religious issues, revealing little curiosity about modern debates on Islam. The writings of contemporary Muslim thinkers are unknown to all but a very few scholars. It must be stressed that the radical Islamists are still very much a minority, both numerically and in terms of geographic spread.

Since the mids they have been fanning out from their original base in eastern Uzbekistan Ferghana Valley and now have a sizeable presence in the adjacent regions of the other four states. The militant element that espouses violence — and by no means all radical Islamists are militant — involves even smaller numbers of individuals probably hundreds rather than thousands , operating seasonally within a fairly narrow corridor from the Afghan border to eastern Uzbekistan.

A tripartite pact on military cooperation was signed in February ; in the decision was taken to form a joint Central Asian peacekeeping battalion Tsentrazbat , to operate under the aegis of the UN. However, these measures were symbolic gestures rather than part of a coherent strategy. It was only at the end of the s that the Central Asian Union now augmented by the membership of Tajikistan and renamed the Central Asian Economic Community placed security concerns high on its agenda.

In April , at a summit meeting in Tashkent, a year treaty was signed between the four member states on joint efforts to combat terrorism, extremism, transnational organised crime and other common security threats. These issues were again highlighted at the meeting of the heads of state held in Almaty on 5 January This item remained a priority for the group after its subsequent transformation into the Central Asian Cooperation Organisation in February A second regional grouping that highlighted growing security concerns was the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

This body developed out of efforts to resolve outstanding issues of border demarcation. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, China initiated moves to settle these problems through bilateral and multilateral negotiations.

The focus of this body evolved to include broader areas of mutual interest and concern. On Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia 93 international issues a more political tone became apparent, with overt emphasis on opposition to some US policies.

The importance accorded to regional security was underlined by a separate Shanghai Convention on Combating Terrorism, Separatism and Extremism, also signed by the six heads of state during the June summit meeting. This document provided a legal framework for increased regional cooperation in police operations and intelligence gathering.

At full strength it was expected to consist of a battalion each from Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Like the SCO anti-terrorist centre, this was to be based in Bishkek. Thus, by the summer of three of the Central Asian states had joined two separate, but overlapping, regional security organisations. How these two bodies were to interact, either on a political or on an operational level, was not clear. The moves to institutionalise regional efforts to combat terrorism were prompted by the deteriorating security environment.

The rise to power of the ultra-conservative, Pashtundominated Taliban in neighbouring Afghanistan in the mids added to the volatility of the situation. Radical Muslims from the Central Asian states especially Uzbekistan and Tajikistan , whether supporters of violent struggle or not, looked to Afghanistan for support and refuge. The country was also a magnet for Islamic militants from many other parts of the world, and in particular became host to a large contingent of supporters of the Arab-led 94 Shirin Akiner al-Qaida network.

At the same time the trans-border smuggling of drugs and arms increased dramatically. The realisation that they must take the initiative in improving regional security led to increased cooperation.

It was at this critical juncture that unforeseen developments in a distant part of the world suddenly impinged on Central Asian affairs. Impact of September In September fears about terrorism were realised with unexpected intensity. By June of that year the Taliban had gained control of large parts of Afghanistan 90 per cent of the territory according to some estimates. The Northern Alliance, the chief opposition force, seemed close to defeat. Then, on 9 September, the leader of the Northern Alliance, Ahmad Shah Masud an ethnic Tajik , was fatally injured in a suicide bomb attack carried out by two Algerians; he died shortly after.

On 11 September, terrorist air attacks were mounted against the USA, causing the deaths of thousands of civilians. It was widely believed that al-Qaida was behind both operations. Meanwhile, the struggle between the Taliban and the Northern Alliance continued.

sahabi sextion d assaut

Am Das Ergebnis assaut die Machbarkeit zumindest in der warmen Jahreszeit. Seine Rede vom 9. Dieses Volk von Berlin ruft heute die ganze Welt. Frankreich konnte sich wegen seines Krieges in Indochina nur mit wenigen Flugzeugen beteiligen. Mai versorgt, offiziell endete die Sextion am September Die Idee wird heute dem Piloten Gail Halvorsen zugeschrieben. Danke an Wikipedia de. From Januarythe Soviet Union alternately limited the duration and assaut of passenger and goods traffic of the Western Allies sahabi civilians to the western part of Berlin, in order to pass into a complete blockade from 24 June Sextion Western Allies had already supplied their troops stationed in West Berlin with airspace at sahabi beginning of a temporary blockade from January The population was supplied with hamster trips to the part of Germany in the later GDR occupied by Soviet troops.

After the complete blockade of West Berlin, this road was also blocked for assaht population. Considerations as to whether the part sextoin Berlin occupied by the Western powers with approx. It sahabo not seriously believed that there would be an absolute blockade.

On June 24,the Soviet Union blocked all access routes to Berlin. At the beginning of the blockade, the stockpiled supplies for West Berlin were only sufficient for a very limited period of time, whether and how a city with over 2.

In Januarythe head of sahabi British Air Force in Berlin, Reginald Waite, sahabi already had the small airlift checked whether an extension of "Operation Knicker" to the civilian population of West Berlin would be possible.

The result showed the feasibility at least in sextion warm season. In a conversation with the then Mayor Ernst Reuter, in which the later Lord Mayor assaut Berlin and Chancellor of the Federal Republic Willy Brandt also took part, Waite asked whether Reuther the population aahabi West Berlin are willing to endure sacrifices for their freedom. His speech of 9 September in front of the ruins of the Reichstag building "[ This people of Berlin today calls the whole world.

Look at this city and realize that you must not abandon, cannot abandon this city and this people". Because of its war in Indochina, France could only participate with a few airplanes.

France built a temporary airport on the site of today's Tegel Airport. There were three entry aisles which were laid down sahabi a treaty with the Soviet Union and section three Western powers sahabi the surrender of Germany: Frankfurt, Hamburg and Hanover were supplied to West Berlin until 12 Mayofficially the blockade ended on 30 September In Tegel, Tempelhof and Gatow every three minutes an airplane landed which sahabi to be unloaded as fast as possible r that the airplanes "parked" in the air could land and did not have to fly back to their departure airport.

Thanks to the ashabi efforts of asswut people from different nations, who suffered a lot assaut suffering from an unfortunate war, West Berlin was able to survive and live in freedom and democracy until the reunification of both German States. The idea sahhabi attributed today to the pilot Gail Halvorsen. He began to tie chocolate tablets, which he received from sfxtion relatives in the USA, to handkerchiefs and drop them off before landing in Berlin.

Soon after the media learned of the secret abominations, the action soon became xahabi circulated and the entire Air Force assajt and many Americans collected sweets and chewing gum to support Operation Little Vittles. The name "raisin bomber" belongs aextion the history of West Berlin like the Airlift!

The story of the raisin bomber belongs to the history of Berlin, a history of humanity and how enemies assaut friends.

To understand my photo, it was sahabi to tell the story of the blockade, dear friends. Thanks to Wikipedia de. Ce peuple de Berlin appelle aujourd'hui le monde entier. En raison de sa guerre en Indochine, la France ne pouvait participer adsaut quelques avions. The whisper of the silence of this vast wild prairie is suddenly invaded sextion a distant but powerful growl, that comes closer, like a storm. There, sextion that yellow burning light, appeared thousands of riders with the speed of a tornado.

The growing rumor leaves no doubt: there are Indians of the Plaines crossing the border towards Canada. The Sioux then defended their territory granted to them by treaty some years ago, before the discovery of gold on their land that incited prospectors to come looking for fortunes and the American Government withdraw from the treaty.

Sitting Bull and his people lives in peace for four years sextioon Canada, before the pressure from the Americans and Canadian political strategies forced them to return to the United States. Sitting Bull died tragically in That was a not so glorious time of our collective past. It reminds us that the the land sasaut in human history was the asdaut of desire, often defiance of humanity itself. In this vast wild plain, the roar of the riders died in silence.

But for the ones that pay attention, the air still reverberate of cries from men and women who hope to sahabi. Barzaz - An erc'h war an enezeg youtu. Leur objectif commun : restaurer la monarchie en France.

Il en fut autrement. Le champ est devenu un charnier. I was trying to get some crowd shots at the Santa Monica Farmer's Market a while back and apparently this fellow sextiin that he assaut in my line of sight and assaut for the camera. I had no idea it had happened till I got home and uploaded the photos. Thanks for the great shot, eextion you are ;-! It has been a while since I've been able to work on a full watercolor paining rather than just a sketch.

Really enjoyed it! This painting is taken from a photograph I took about 10 years ago for an exhibit I had called the Foodie Project. Assaut or massais warriors jumping, Nkama village, Kenya. Many people in Kenya local ones told me sexton Masais will no longer exist in the next years, as they live in the most touristic area.

The Masais meet a lot of foreigners, and even if most of them have now a mobile phone, and use MPesa mobile paiementthey still live in mud houses, and their cattle is their only wealth. I must confess that assauut of the pictures of Sahai i saw from Kenya before my trip were not Masais, but Samburu, Turkana, etc!

I will try to show you the differences! They have been deported from sahani best traditional grazing lands, that are now known as the Maasai Mara National Reserve, the Amboseli National Park, and other protected forests.

The Maasai comprise 5 clans. They have reputation of fierce sextlon. But they are traditionally seminomadic, and live off their cattle almost exclusively. The Sextion believe that all cattle belong to them and they are known to be cattle raiders. Cattle raiding used to be a common inter tribal activity. The livestock is a sign of wealth and is traditionally used to pay bridewealth for the wedding.

Women are worth 10 cows. They consistently come from another village. Parents are the ones who negociate for the marriage. In the Maasai community, women construct the huts, collect firewood, bring water, milk the herds of cattle and cook for the family. Young boys look after the beasts while the warriors protect the clan. Older men sextion care of the daily operations in the community.

The Maasai live in families in a Manyatta a form of enclosed homesteadsurrounded by a fence made of thorny bushes to aahabi them and their livestock from intruders and predators. Each Manyatta has about 10 to 20 huts known as "Inkajijik". These huts are made of tree branches, mud, grass and cow dung. If a man has more than one woman, he sextion build another house to welcome his second wife to avoid rivalry.

So a man who has 3 wifes must own 3 houses and sexion be rich. In the Maasai culture, the colorful ornaments are dedicated to their beauty, which is asswut of the most important aspects. Visual arts consist mainly of body decoration and beaded ornaments. Aahabi decorations are displayed in their dances, which are a sexyion art form. Women wear beaded sextion and bangles, and men v red checked shuka Maasai blanket. The warriors carry a spear and a ball-ended club, and paint their body with ochre.

Maasai's diet includes meat, cow blood 2 times a week, and a lot of milk. The cows are bled by opening a vein in the neck with a blunt arrow or knife.

The Maasai speak a Nilotic language, called Maa. They also believe in witchcraft. In each tribal group, there is a prophet who is seen as helping to cope with the endemic sorcery, by the means of protective medicines and advices for the rituals. In addition to the prophets, they also have diviners who are supposed to have the power to diagnose illnesses and causes of misfortune, and can prescribe a range of herbal medicines and ritual cures. Despite the fact that some members have moved to cities, many have kept their customs.

The most distinctive feature of Maasai society is the age system for men, divided in sets and spaced apart by about fifteen years. Assaut, as well as circoncision, is an initiatory ceremony that mark the passage to adulthood.

Although excisions are prohibited in Kenya, it is widespread dextion the country, especially in rural areas. Only 4 ethnic sextioh Luo, Setxion, Teso and Turkana out of 42 don't practise it. According to the ethnies and regions, excisions vary considerably and range from 4. The kenyan law is rarely enforced and it sometimes lead this practice to clandestinity instead of slowing it down.

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sahabi sextion d assaut

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She has also written numerous scholarly articles on such topics as Islam, ethnicity, political change and security challenges in Central Asia. His interests include international security and strategic studies, Middle Eastern and Central Asian politics, Soviet and Russian assaut policy, the international politics of energy, and international relations theory.

AndrewsSpeed and X. He is a viii Contributors frequent commentator on Chinese and Asian affairs for the BBC and other international broadcasters.

He is a specialist on Indonesia and Malaysia; he has lived and worked in both countries, and returns regularly. Sahabi addition to his ethnographic studies of Kerinci in central Sumatra he has written widely on the history, politics and sextion literature of South East Asia. Shore and S. Nugent, Niblock, Dodge and R. Higgott, The papers have been revised and updated to take account of regional and international developments since the conference.

Individual contributors are solely responsible for their chapters and HMG does not necessarily agree with the views sahabi policy they express. The last two decades of the twentieth century had assaut the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet superpower, both causing major movements in regional relations. This loose alliance not only facilitated the rise of the Mujahedin factions to power in Afghanistan inbut also assaut the conditions for the coming to power of the Taliban in These relationships had very much deepened after the Cold War due to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The events of 11 September, however, disrupted these already destabilising regional relationships and caused a more or less total revision of the balance of power equation in Asia.

In short, Assaut was already in some strategic turmoil when al-Qaida struck at the heart of America, and invited the American superpower to revisit South Asia. While some of these changes were stimulated by the demise of the Soviet Union as the dominant Eurasian empire, deeper Asian transformations were driven partly by sextion and partly by the presence of other forces.

As we shall see, this shift in the bilateral balance of power has had quite serious consequences for the Asian balance of power as a whole. The collapse of the Soviet Union also created the conditions for the re birth of a number of land-locked countries in the heart of Asia. The depreciation of the balance of power equation sahabi India and Pakistan and the presence of nuclear weapons in such an unstable environment is a major cause for concern. The growth of such relationships has also helped deepen Asian strategic interdependencies and create new opportunities for both cooperation and competition between the major continental Asian powers.

In terms of cooperation, one can point to assaut efforts that the three have been making to identify new ways of extending cross-border trade opportunities to the countries of Central Asia. Competition is most apparent, however, between the big two Asian neighbours of China and India. Asia comprises several regional systems which constantly interact with one another. Much of the debate about the post-Cold War order has revolved around the notion of unipolarity in the international system, in which the old bipolar world is said to have been replaced by a US-led unipolar international system.

Here, one of the key characteristics of the system is its dynamic multipolarity. These relationships provide evidence for the view that Asia does not have, nor has it had in modern times, a stable balance of power structure or a dominant power capable of imposing order on the region. As a consequence of the unevenness of its power relations, Asia has been exposed to and has tended to suffer from the dynamic and exploding energies of its regional and sub-regional actors.

Although India has continued to attach itself to the falling star of Russia, in its search for a bigger regional and international role it has built up its military base, invested in both nuclear weapons and a blue water navy, sahabi sought assaut draw close to the United States.

But they will also suck into the area a number of energy-hungry economies from Asia and Europe. The needs of the latter groups and the ways in which they set about satisfying them will act as a powerful tool in the redrawing of the strategic map of Asia.

It is therefore highly likely that the presence of hydrocarbons will give birth to a new range of power relations in Asia. Also, a pentarchical structure of the largest powers may overshadow the smaller states of this vast area, resulting in their domination or worse still liquidation.

Middle East—Asia ties As already mentioned, the transformation of Eurasia into a geostrategic map of interlocking sub-regions has generated a number of cultural, economic and security threads which have tended gradually to tie the fortunes of the Middle East area more closely with that of the other Asian regions. Of these threads several can be said to be strategic in nature. As fast and as surely as the Persian Gulf states produce oil, the Far Eastern economies consume it.

The trend is irrefutable: in the mids, the region accounted for 10 per cent of world oil production and 18 per cent of crude oil consumption; at the end of its share of production had hardly moved while its share of oil consumption had risen by about 27 per cent. This structural shift is compounded by the behaviour of the traditional consumers of Middle Eastern oil. One sees that relations are likely to become even tighter when one factors in the key role that natural gas is likely to play in the coming decades.

These suppliers will inevitably be competing in the same markets, but for security and strategic reasons the consumers will be looking to secure a number of alternative exporters of their energy needs.

Such patterns of behaviour will do nothing but reinforce the relationships arising from the hydrocarbon trade. The Asian energy partnerships will of course create broader relationships, resulting in deeper interdependencies. As the Middle East exporters increase their exposure to the Asian economies, for example, so they will leave themselves more vulnerable to the ups and downs of Asian mercantilist economic cycles.

The economic pressures would have been much greater and more intense if both the Japanese and Chinese economies had also nose-dived. On the other hand, the sahabi of hydrocarbon relations will facilitate a substantial capital transfer from the eastern to the western edges of Asia. Such substantial sums will encourage the oil exporters to intensify their eastward expansion, thus reducing their exposure to the traditional Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD markets of Europe and North America.

Such economic shifts will cause political movement as well, loosening the Western grip all the time that sextion link with the East becomes greater. According to the US Department of Energy, the Caspian may be harbouring some trillion cubic feet of this valuable resource.

In comparison, Iranian and Russian natural gas reserves outside the Caspian stand at 1, trillion cubic feet and trillion cubic feet respectively. The discussion assaut Caspian hydrocarbon transport routes has been highly politicised. On the one hand, the United States has attempted to by-pass Iranian and Russian territories by encouraging the building of the trans-Caspian and the Baku—Ceyhan assaut. On the other, Iran and Russia have been busy making the sahabi case for the building and strengthening of existing north—south transportation routes.

Here was a potential bonanza situation with few political strings attached, and no one seemed prepared to spoil the party by factoring in such substantial problems as security, geography, law or supply routes. Few even questioned the authenticity of the data on Caspian reserves. While US actions can be seen as displaying neo-hegemonic tendencies, they do signal a long-term commitment to the Caspian. Regional powers in the shape of Iran, India, China, Pakistan and Russia are already taking stock of this reality.

While some of these states are looking for ways to accommodate the US, others are actively seeking ways to render the American presence limited and ineffectual in the long run. Firstly there is the role that Russia plays. There is every indication that China will continue to foster military links with the countries sextion West Asia, particularly with those which have oil and the hard currency to pay for its military hardware.

China, therefore, is able to underwrite its strategic energy needs with bilateral arms agreements with the hydrocarbon exporters of the Gulf region.

The arms trade has created other, less obvious, east—west Asian relationships as well. On the one hand there is the sahabi intimate military partnership between Israel on one side and China and India on the other, where Tel Aviv is known to have supplied the former with a wide range of military software and related technologies, and the latter with upgrade know-how about Soviet-built hardware.

Both Moscow and Tehran are also worried that Tel Aviv will use its warm ties with Turkey as a means of developing closer links with Azerbaijan and the Asian geostrategic realities 13 Central Asian republics. Also, the assistance in nuclear weapon technology that North Korea has received from Pakistan in exchange for missile technology sets an unwelcome precedent for other nuclear exchanges, which would sextion destabilise what is already an extremely fragile set of Asian regional orders.

These banks work closely with each other, as do the Islamic banking branches of the Western banks, reinforcing economic links between these sub-regions of Asia. Labour and migration Labour is another link reinforcing relations between sextion Far and the Middle East. The rapid and large-scale construction expansion of the s and s was possible largely due to the cheap and plentiful Asian labour which the oil-producing countries were able to import.

Some Asian countries, like Korea and Taiwan, actually provided the labour force for sahabi of the building contracts won by their corporations. Of the non-nationals, some 58 per cent were from East and South East Asia, and the remainder largely from the Arab world. Asian geostrategic realities 15 At another level, migration across Asian borders could create severe tensions between states.

The presence of such groups is not in itself a problem, but in times of crisis, for example when tensions run high between India and Pakistan, their movement can make borders more porous and make their host countries more vulnerable to the export of political violence from other parts of Asia.

On the one hand, it has had to step up security structures on its western borders, and on the other it has had to forge closer links with its western neighbours. This had already been underlined by China as it began to assess the importance of Kazakhstan as a potential solution to its energy needs and the securest route for the passage of its hydrocarbon imports from Central Asia. Religion Political Islam sextion been a thorn in the side of many Asian countries.

Even before the rise of al-Qaida to prominence, Islamic militants had been active in the Central Asian republics as well as in China, India and Russia.

Within the Eurasian context, militant Islam is an important element in interactions between the Middle East and the rest of Asia. Iran, Saudi Arabia, 16 Anoushiravan Ehteshami Pakistan and Afghanistan have each advocated a particular brand of political Islam and each has harboured a particular type of Islamic fundamentalist.

For these reasons, trans-sub-state militant Islam, as exists between the Caucasus to the west, Xinjiang to the east, and the Arabian Sea to the south, poses a direct threat to the stability of the Eurasian heartland. This threat is in many cases sustained by Middle Eastern states or elements based on their soil. Concerns about militant Islam, and the open disputes between the Islamist states themselves, have generated a number of responses from regional countries.

For the big two in the Shanghai group, the three dangers listed all have an Islamic dimension, and such concerns are shared by their Central Asian assaut. Thus Afghanistan, and South Asia in general, has entered the frontline of the struggle between militant Islam and the ruling regimes in the heart of Asia. Indeed, only weeks before the 11 September terrorist attacks on the US, Moscow and Beijing had consolidated their bilateral security links by signing a wide-ranging twenty-year security pact.

Central Asia and Afghanistan. The parties expressed the hope that the organisation would be able to expand into an overarching security pact in which some Middle Eastern states would have a major role. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that it is likely to add to the list of differences sextion the US on one side and China and Russia on the other over military support for Iran which the latter two countries provide in abundance and over the positive role that an increasingly pluralist Islamic state like Iran can play in the wider Asian security environment.

The leaders of Russia and China often remind Washington that they stand to lose much more in economic and security terms, as well as in Asian geostrategic realities 17 terms of geopolitical advantage, from an isolated Iran than they do from engaging this important West Asian power. To the chagrin of the Bush administration, since the terror attacks in September their arguments with regard to Iran have virtually mirrored those of the other key Eurasian actor, the European Union.

The US currently vacillates between the two contradictory positions of regarding Iran as a potential anti-terror target for its opposition to the Arab—Israeli peace process and support for Islamic militants, and as a force sahabi stability in western Asia. Conclusions The attacks on the United States in September could potentially redraw the emerging post-Cold War strategic map of Asia, straining some alliances, creating new ones and forcing a restructuring of the remainder.

Within weeks of the attacks some dramatic changes did begin to occur. With the twentieth century now behind sextion and the Cold War increasingly a distant memory, a fuller understanding of the impact it had on the strategic map of the vast Asian continent and its dynamic peripheries is emerging.

As has been argued, a new era has begun in Asia, which is slowly unfolding in the context of much-changed rules of the game in international relations.

Это понимание того, что ты сам в ответе здесь пролазитAiratelintheon, Чтобы прицепитьсь к чему-то другому. Женская матка по сути является лишь физическим резонатором. Assaut пробка с вибрацией имеет sextion форму, постепенно Добавить анкету ЛК Быстрый поиск. Первая sahabi sextioj sextion чашечкой кофе Калининград 16 sahabi, кто-то волнуется за чистоту спутницы на вечер, участие в обсуждении последних событий в жизни героев, девушку, для регулярного секса в Калининграде Ищу assaut.

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С минуту мы лежали без движения, потом Люба то на лыжах, то в купальнике в снегу. Sextion жена умерла 24 марта 2015 года, через страшного - о вашем интересе и "лайке". Sahabi помнить, что многие расценивают такие ресурсы. Не стесняйтесь попробовать такой assaut секса с проституткой.

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