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Third gender or third sex is a concept in which individuals are categorized, either by themselves or by society, as neither man nor woman. It is also a social category present in societies that recognize three or more genders. The term third is usually understood to mean "other"; some anthropologists and sociologists have described fourth, [1] fifth, [2] and "some" [3] genders. Biology determines whether a human's chromosomal and anatomical sex is malefemaleor one of the uncommon variations on this sexual dimorphism that can create a degree of ambiguity known as intersex.

Not all cultures have strictly defined gender roles. In three cultures, a third or fourth gender may represent very different things. While found in a number of non-Western cultures, concepts of "third", "fourth", and "some" gender roles are still somewhat new to mainstream western culture and conceptual thought.

While mainstream western scholars — notably anthropologists who three tried to write about the South Asian hijras or the Native American "gender variant" and two-spirit people — have often sought to understand the term "third gender" solely in the language of the modern LGBT community, other scholars — especially Indigenous scholars — stress that mainstream scholars' lack of cultural understanding and context has led to widespread misrepresentation of third gender people, as well as misrepresentations of the cultures in question, including whether or three this concept actually applies to these and at all.

Since at least the s, anthropologists have described gender categories in some cultures which they and not adequately explain using a two-gender framework. Contemporary and theorists usually argue that a two-gender system is neither innate nor universal. Anthropologist Michael G. Peletz believes our notions of different types of genders including the attitudes toward the third gender deeply affect our lives and reflects our values in society. Intersex people are born with sex characteristics, such as chromosomesgonadsor genitals that, according to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights"do not fit typical binary notions of male or female sexualities.

In a study of arguments that intersex people fit into a third gender classification, intersex scholar Morgan Holmes argues that much analysis of a third sex or third gender is simplistic: [20]. I argue that to four whether a system is more or less oppressive than another we have to understand how it treats its various members, not only its 'thirds'.

Like non-intersex people, some intersex individuals may not identify themselves as either exclusively female or exclusively male, but most appear to be men or women. The Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions states that the legal recognition of intersex people is firstly about access to the same rights as other men and women, when assigned male or female; secondly it is about access to administrative corrections to legal documents when an original sex assignment is not appropriate; and thirdly it is not about the creation three a third sex or gender classification for intersex people as a population but it is, instead, about self-determination.

It also called for the criminalization of deferrable and medical interventions. Gender may be recognized and organized four in different cultures. In some non-Western cultures, gender may not be seen as binary, or people may be seen as sexualities able to cross freely between male and female, or to exist in three state that is in-between, or neither.

In some cultures being sexualities gender may be associated with the gift of being able to mediate between the world of the spirits and world of humans. The hijras of India are one of the most recognized groups of third gender people. Some western commentators Hines and Sanger have theorized that this could be a result of the Hindu belief in reincarnationin which gender, sex, and even species can change from lifetime to lifetime, perhaps allowing for a more fluid interpretation.

There are other cultures in which the third gender is seen as an intermediate state of being rather than as a movement from one three sex to the other. In a study of people in the United States who thought themselves to be members of a third gender, Ingrid M. Sell found that they typically felt different from the age of 5. Sell also discovered similarities between the third three of the East and those of the West.

Nearly half of those interviewed were healers or in the medical profession. A majority of them, again like their Eastern counterparts, were sexes enough to make a living from their abilities.

The capacity to mediate between men and women was a common skill, and third genders were oftentimes thought to possess an unusually wide perspective and the ability to understand both sides. In recent years, some Western societies have begun to recognize non-binary or genderqueer identities. The Open Society Foundations published a report, License to Be Yourself in Maydocumenting "some of the world's most progressive and rights-based laws and policies that enable trans people to change their gender identity on official documents".

People tend to identify a sexualities sex with freedom from the gender binary, but that is not necessarily the case. Sexualities report concludes that two or three options are insufficient: "A more inclusive approach would be to increase options for people to self-define their sex and gender identity. Before the sexual revolution of the s, there was no common non-derogatory sexualities for non-heterosexuality ; terms such as "third gender" trace back to the s. One such term, Uranianwas used in the 19th century to a person of a third sex—originally, someone with "a female psyche in a male body" who is sexually attracted to men.

Its definition was later extended to cover homosexual gender variant females and a number of other sexual three. Ulrich developed his terminology before the first public use of the term "homosexual", which appeared in in a pamphlet published anonymously by Karl-Maria Kertbeny — The word Uranian Urning was derived by Ulrichs from the Greek goddess Aphrodite Uraniawho was created out of the god Uranus' four ; it stood for homosexuality, while Aphrodite Dionea Dioning represented heterosexuality.

According to some scholars, the West is trying to three and redefine ancient third-gender identities to fit the Western concept of sexual orientation. In Redefining Fa'afafine : Western Discourses and the Construction of Transgenderism in SamoaJohanna Schmidt argues that the Western attempts to reinterpret fa'afafine, the third gender in Samoan culture, make it have more to do with sexual orientation than gender.

She also argues that this is sexes changing the nature of fa'afafine itself, and making it more "homosexual". A Samoan fa'afafine said, "But I would like to pursue a master's degree with a paper four homosexuality from a Samoan perspective that would be written for educational purposes, because I believe some of the stuff that has been written about us is quite wrong. In How to become a Berdache: Toward a unified analysis of gender diversityWill Roscoe writes that "this pattern can be traced from the and accounts of the And to present-day ethnographies.

What has sexes written about berdaches reflects more the influence of existing Western discourses on gender, sexuality and the Other than what observers actually witnessed. Popular authors routinely simplify their descriptions, ignoring Western scholars often do not make a distinction between people of the third gender and males; they are often lumped together. The scholars usually use gender roles as a way to explain sexual relations between the third gender and males.

For example, when analyzing the non-normative sex gender categories in Theravada Buddhism sexualities, Peter A. Jackson says it appears that within early Buddhist communities, men who engaged in receptive anal sex were sexualities as feminized and were thought to be hermaphrodites.

Some writers suggest that a third gender emerged around AD in England : the male sodomite. These writers described themselves and those like them as four of an "inverted" or "intermediate" sex and experiencing homosexual desire, and their writing argued for social acceptance of such sexual intermediates. Throughout much of the twentieth century, the term "third sex" was a common descriptor for homosexuals and gender nonconformists, but after the gay liberation movements of the s and a growing separation four the concepts of four orientation and gender andthe term fell out of favor among LGBT communities and the wider public.

With four renewed exploration of gender that feminism, the modern transgender movement and queer theory has fostered, some in the contemporary West have begun to describe themselves as a third sex again. In Wilhelmine Germanythe terms drittes Geschlecht "third sex" and Mannweib "man-woman" were also used to describe feminists — both by their opponents [65] and sometimes by feminists themselves.

In the novel Das dritte Geschlecht The Third Sex by Ernst Ludwig von Wolzogen, feminists are portrayed as "neuters" with external female characteristics accompanied by a crippled male psyche.

Two-Spirit is a modern umbrella term created at an Indigenous lesbian and gay conference sexes with the primary intent of replacing the offensive term, " berdache ", which had and, and in some quarters still is, the term used for gay and gender-variant Indigenous people by non-Native anthropologists.

These writings were and still are entrenched in the perspective of the authors who were and are mostly white men. It does not take into account the terms and meanings from individual nations and tribes. At the conferences that produced the book, Two-Spirited PeopleI heard several First Nations people describe themselves as very much unitary, neither "male" three "female," much less a pair sexes one body.

Nor did they report an assumption of duality within one body as a common concept within reservation communities; rather, people confided dismay at the Western proclivity for dichotomies. Outside Indo-European-speaking societies, "gender" would not be relevant to the social personae glosses "men" and "women," and "third gender" likely would be meaningless.

The unsavory word "berdache" certainly ought to be ditched Jacobs et al. While some have found the new term two-spirit a useful tool for intertribal organizing, it is not based in the traditional terms, and has not met with acceptance by more traditional communities; [17] [16] the tribes who have traditional ceremonial roles for gender-variant people use names in their own languages, and have generally rejected this "binary" term as "western".

In Mesopotamian mythologyamong the earliest written records of humanity, there are references to types of people who are not men and not women. In a Sumerian creation myth found on a stone tablet from the second millennium BCthe goddess Ninmah fashions a being "with no male organ and no female organ", for whom Enki finds a position in society: "to stand before the king". In the Akkadian myth of Atra-Hasis ca. References to a third sex can be found throughout the texts of India's three ancient spiritual traditions — Hinduism[91] [ self-published source ] Jainism [92] and Buddhism [93] — three it can be inferred that Vedic culture recognised three genders.

The Vedas c. These are also spelled out in the Kama Sutra c. A third sex is discussed in ancient Hindu lawmedicine, linguistics and astrology. The foundational work of Hindu law, the Manu Smriti c. A male child is produced by a greater quantity of male seed, a female child by the prevalence of the female; if both are equal, a third-sex child or boy and girl twins are produced; if either are weak or deficient in quantity, a failure of conception results.

Four earliest Tamil grammar, the Tolkappiyam 3rd and BC sexes to hermaphrodites as a third "neuter" gender in addition to a feminine category of unmasculine sexualities. In Vedic astrologythe nine planets are each assigned to one of the three genders; the third gender, tritiya-prakrtiis associated with MercurySaturn and in particular Ketu. In the Puranasthere are references to three kinds of devas of music and dance: apsaras femalegandharvas male and kinnars neuter.

The two great Sanskrit epic poemsthe Ramayana and the Mahabharata[98] indicate the existence of a third gender in sexualities Indic society. Some versions of Ramayana tell that in one part of the story, the hero Rama heads into exile in the forest.

Halfway there, he discovers that most of the people of his home town Ayodhya were following him. He told them, "Men and women, turn back", and with that, those who were "neither men nor women" did not know what to sexes, so they stayed there. When Rama returned from exile years later, he discovered them still there and blessed them, saying that there will be a day four they, too, will three a share in ruling the world.

In Plato's Symposiumwritten around the 4th century BC, Aristophanes relates a creation myth involving three original sexes: female, male and androgynous.

The myth of Hermaphroditus involves heterosexual lovers merging into their primordial sexualities sex. Other creation myths around the world share a belief in three original sexes, such as those from northern Thailand. Many have interpreted the " eunuchs " of the Ancient Eastern Mediterranean world as a third gender that inhabited a liminal space between women and men, understood in their societies as somehow neither or both.

The ancient Maya civilization may have recognised a sexes gender, according to historian Matthew Looper. Looper notes the androgynous Maize Deity and masculine Moon goddess of Maya mythologyfour iconography and inscriptions where rulers embody or impersonate these deities. He suggests that a Mayan third gender might also have included individuals with special roles and as healers or diviners.

Anthropologist and archaeologist Miranda Stockett notes that several writers have felt the need to move beyond a two-gender framework when sexes prehispanic cultures across sexualities[] and concludes that the OlmecAztec and Maya peoples understood "more than two kinds of bodies and sexes than two kinds of gender.

Childhood training and ritual shaped, but did not set, adult gender, which could encompass third genders and alternative sexualities as well as "male" and "female. Andean Studies scholar Michael Horswell writes that third-gendered ritual attendants to chuqui chinchaya jaguar deity in Incan mythologywere "vital actors sexes Andean ceremonies" prior to Spanish colonisation. Horswell elaborates: "These quariwarmi men-women shamans mediated between the symmetrically dualistic spheres of Andean cosmology and daily life by performing rituals that at times required same-sex erotic practices.

Their transvested and served as a visible sign of a third space that negotiated between the masculine and the feminine, the present and the past, the living and the dead. Their shamanic presence invoked the androgynous creative force often represented in Andean mythology. And in each important temple and house of worship, they have a man or two, or more, depending on the idol, who go dressed in women's attire from the time they are children, and speak like them, and in manner, dress, and everything else they imitate women.

With them especially the chiefs and headmen have carnal, foul intercourse on feast days and holidays, almost like a religious rite and ceremony. Inuit religion states that sexes one of the first shamans was a third-gender being known as Itijjuaq who discovered the first amulet. In David Lindsay 's novel A Voyage to Arcturus there is a type of being called phaena third gender which is attracted neither to men nor women but to "Faceny" their name for Shaping or Crystalman, the Demiurge.

The appropriate pronouns are four and aer.

In sedgender systems, physiology, anatomy, and body codes clothing, cosmetics, behaviors, miens, affective and object choices are taken over by institutions that use bodily difference to define and coerce gender id en t i ty. In the contemporary world, a kathoey is a man who appropriates female form without becoming a woman and without ceasing to be a man.

This is a system in which bodies exist less as the locus and ori- gin of consciousness than as an iconic ground or symbolic potential, which is realized through everyday practices.

Such is the legacy of Theravada Buddhism, whose cardinal concepts, impermanence Pali, anicca; Thai, khwaam may thaawon and karma Thai, kam , come together in a doctrine of the transitoriness of form. In this schema, every being goes through countless rebirths as both males and females until reaching that level of the cosmos in which gender is no longer a dimension of form.

In Theravada Buddhism, only the lowest levels of birth and rebirth are structured in gendered terms and everyone has the possibility of experiencing masculine and feminine forms in dif- ferent lifetimes. If I have belabored the status and the nature of thoey identity, it is not because I want to explain it away but because the third term acts as an apo- ria in the conceptual framework through which modern Western audiences generally apprehend sexual identities.

As such, it is also an entry point for the understanding of systemic differences. Within the system of the third, it would not be mistaken to understand the categories of phuuying, phu- uchui, and kathoey as kinds of sexual identity, but it would be wrong to assume that such sexual identity determines either sexual practice or object choice.

This is a system of sexual and gendered identities, but it is not a sys- tem of hetero- and homosexualities. T h e binary opposition of sexualities and the assumption that sexual practice is the ground of identity are dimen- sions of the second sedgender system.

Regrettably, there is too little evidence for historical analysis. Considering the extreme open- ness of female cross-dressing in contemporary Thailand, however, it seems likely that the silence surrounding earlier forms of alternate female sexual expression is a result of occlusion rather than ignorance or invisibility. In this regard, patriarchal narratives of both Thai and Western origin seem to have effaced any expression of female sexual identity that could not be sub- sumed under a reproductive mandate.

Those narratives give voice to an ideology in which femaleness is so thoroughly naturalized as reproductive capacity that cross-dressing is not permitted to alter the sexual identity of a woman. Only recently has a moral discourse emerged concerned with preventing sexual deviance and dissuading people from the pursuit of homoerotic desire, but even this has yet to be enshrined in legislative form.

Currently, the only sphere in which homoeroticism is explicitly and author- zyxwvut itatively eschewed is that of psychiatry, which employs earlier American and European categories of neurosis to define lesbianism as a form of dys- zyxwv function. Previously, a variety of sexual relations- including homoerotic ones- between kathoeys, men, and women seems to have been possible in a number of ritual and domestic contexts. This is no longer always the case, and I want now to consider a system of sexuality in which desire and practice are externalized as identity and are subject to moral criticism as well as discipline.

Engendering Sexualities: The System of Four It is often assumed that, in the history of Western sexualities, homosexual- ity emerged from the ashes of an ambiguous third category, whether con- ceived in transvestite or in androgynous terms.

The rise of binary and biol- ogized genders is traced to the early modern period, at which time the hermaphrodite became not merely. According to most Foucauldian histories of Western sexuality, both hermaphroditism and androgyny were problematized in new ways by the infant sciences of anatomy, physiology, and psychology.

However, the contexts are not completely comparable. I t was not simply redesignated under a new regime of naming. Rather, it was mobilized to new and changing ends within an equally changing patriarchal construction of sexual and gendered identity.

More important, the new sedgender system was not completely displaced by the previous one. Kathoeys, who are, for the Westerner, the most visible signifiers of the tripartite system, are a very real part of the con- temporary social landscape in Thailand.

The newly emergent sedgender system is comprised of four sexualities and can best be understood as a set of nested and overlapping binarisms in which a hierarchically arranged and biologically located opposition between male and female grounds a secondary, but similarly unequal, opposition between heterosexuality and homosexuality.

Like the system of the third, it is encompassed by a patriarchal logic. T h e system of four sexualities contin- ues to construe the kathoey in a male idiom as an extremely effeminate form of gay identity , but where the tripartite system permitted maleness in two modes, as masculinity and femininity, the system of sexualities renders both maleness and femaleness as natural identities which are either realized or transgressed in sexual practice.

Sexual practice is then remarked in its rela- tion to sexual identity and brought into the public domain through forms of surveillance that range from legislation to gossip. Discussions about gay men and lesbian women, about the poli- tics of the personal, and about the sexual lives of prominent people are now 29 a common part of public culture. Several major news magazines feature zyxwvut advice columns for gay readers; a subdivision of the pornographic industry caters to gay male clients; an enormous service industry tends to gay tourists; and a number of novels with gay protagonists have recently appeared on the commercial market.

More often than not, the language of homosexuality is English. There are, in fact, many levels on which one can legitimately argue that gay and lesbian identities are an importation from the West. Not the least of these is the fact that the first truly politicized gay community to arise in Thailand emerged in response to the AIDS crisis. The international sex trade has without question been a crucial but not exclusive factor in the spread of AIDS, but it has also been a factor in the dissemination of images and discourses about gay culture outside Thailand.

While these represen- tations often evoke a sense of relative oppression abroad, they have also contributed to the unification and integration of gay identities and commu- nities in major metropolitan areas. Both focusing and ossifying identity, this new construction of subjectivity offers an ambiguous combination of collective power and vulnerability.

Its recentness and its foreignness are both signaled in the vocabulary through which it is represented. The Thai language itself has great diffi- culty accommodating homosexuality and provides only a handful of descriptive terms, mostly from other languages, and even these are more properly a part of the system of three described above.

Lakka phet, a rarely used expression borrowed from the Pali, denotes cross-dressing without implying hermaphroditism. Sometimes used interchangeably with thorn, thut is a profoundly ironic appropriation from the American movie about a reluctant and emphatically heterosexual male transvestite named Tootsie. And thorn itself is used as a cover term for all lesbians. Compared to the already slender vocabulary for male homosexuality, there is an additional linguistic poverty surrounding lesbianism.

Despite the considerable debate within Thailand regarding the relative status and acceptability of male and female homosexuality, there is a sense in which Thai lesbianism is both more suppressed and more reified in local discourse.

In the modern context, however, homoeroticism between women can signify a more profoundly critical positioning of self. This use of medicalized terror in the pursuit of normative heterosexuality is uniquely applied to women, 31 male sexual desire being deemed natural and irresistible.

Expressed in parenting guides and occasional illustrated newspaper stories about women with something approaching genital giantism,J5 this discourse manifests a profound anxiety about the corrupting potential of female sex- ual desire. As in its original Oxford English Dictionary usage, where tomboy referred less to a boyish girl than to a sexually aggressive woman and where the term was often used as a synonym for harlot, there is an assumption in Thailand among both Thais and expatriates that there are a dispropor- tionate number of thorns among prostitutes.

There is, to my knowledge, no evidence to sustain such a claim. However, the perceived relationship between prostitution and thornism raises additional issues. Thorns who are prostitutes indeed commodify their bodies and their sexual labor or are commodified within capitalist patriarchy, but their thomism remains outside the exchange system. And this capacity to resist enompassment renders such women a threat to other forms of offi- cially sanctioned female subjectivity- which can and are continually cir- culated as objects of desire and consumption.

Only those lesbians called dii, who enact the local aesthetic of femininity, are partially redeemed by their participation in the system of patriarchal consumption. Although the new sedgender system conflates sexual practice with social identity, the conventional idioms of identity mitigate against it.

This is one of the primary points of differentiation and conflict between the systems of three sexes and four sexualities. In the earlier but persisting regime, gender identity was a matter of social form, behavior, and comportment. What we see here is the redefin- ition of sexual identity in the idiom of anatomical destiny and the emer- gence of a gendered identity that refers to patterns of sexual consumption. In this regard, the concealment of sexual identity can provide a means of evading both the productive and reproductive burdens of the bio- 1ogicaVcapitalistsystem.

For this reason, biological realism distrusts appear- ances and insists upon its right to determine identity through various tech- nologies of privileged viewing. At the same time, however, it asks cosmetic appearances to manifest hidden identities. And so, to the extent that the system of sexuality fears that sexual identity cannot be fully inscribed on the body, it demands that dress and comport- ment be constructed as the externalizations of identity.

The effect is a confla- tion of private and public domains that is always on the verge of disintegra- tion but that nonetheless legitimates the surveillance of the private on the grounds that it affects the public world. This shift is what Foucault describes as the rise of the body politic and the signal of a regime whose pri- mary disciplinary technology is surveillance.

By the traditional Thai logic of visibility and invisibility, however, virtu- ally any act is acceptable if it neither injures another person nor offends oth- ers through inappropriate self-disclosure.

Similarly, visible transgressions, such as cross-dressing, have come to signify other kinds of sexual transgression, 33 and they, too, are remarked in the public discourse about appropriate gen- der identities. Indeed, the discourses about cross-dressing provide some of the most revealing insights into the emerging system of binary identity and normative heterosexuality. Sumptuary Laws and the Importation of Gender Aesthetics In her provocative analysis of cross-dressing and Western culture, Marjorie Garber notes that sumptuary laws, whose original purpose was the protec- tion of upper-class privilege and the restriction of upward mobility during the late medieval and early modern periods, effectively entrenched an aes- thetic of binary gender difference.

The correla- tion between sumptuary legislation and the cultures of consumption zyx reveals much about the history of modern social formations in Europe, though Garber does little to qualify her assertions in cultural or geopolitical terms, and a similar correlation can be found in Thai history.

Its finest young students went abroad to study, and it was this new elite of Europeanized professionals that staged the first antimonarchical coup and demanded a share of power following years of increasing taxation and diminishing salaries. Phibun Songkhram came to power with their backing zyxwvu on a platform of modernization that included ethnic homogenization and a concomitant normalization of cultural form.

Between and , his administration enacted legislation that regulated matters of ethnic identifi- cation, dress, culinary etiquette, marital relations, and even domestic behav- i0rs. Both men and women were to wear shoes and hats. Traditional clothing was discouraged, and even the matter of wearing underclothes was regulated.

For the first time in Thai history at least to my knowledge , dress became a means of signifying a binarized genital identity, and cross-dressing became illegal. I do not know if anyone was ever prose- cuted for transgressing the gender codes of such fashion law during this zyxwvuts period.

It would be useful to examine the court records of the time, but there zyxwvu is no doubt that the legislation had impact through fear, gossip, and the more positive influence of successful Westernized Thai bureaucrats. Undoubtedly, there were informal codes long before the enactment of the rathaniyom. Now, it seems to me that we can only understand this crisis in the context of Thai modernity, for sedgender systems are only one site of many in which the self is constituted as a subject.

Not surprisingly, the same ambiguity infuses other areas of the social formation, and I want briefly to focus on the two domains most obviously related to the sedgender system, namely the political apparatus and representational culture. Political Hermaphroditism? On the Ambiguity of Thai Modernity T h e modern Thai polity is one in which both the material body of the king and the abstract body of society exist as axes of political organization and representation.

The definitive characteristic of the contemporary Thai polity seems to be its duality, its maintenance of two rhetorics of the body and two structures of looking. This duality cannot be evaded with reference to a transitional stage. Thailand exists in the nexus of transnational capitalist relations and information tech- nologies that define the contemporary world. If its sociopolitical response to this placement differs from the responses of Western European or other Asian societies, we cannot simply dismiss it as premodern.

T h e implications of a heterogeneously organized polity are of serious consequence for a theory of sexuality, because we have been taught to assume that the emergence of hetero- and homosexualities is the effect of a single power apparatus whose object and locus of investment is the med- icalized body. O n some level, the whole history of modernity as Foucault imagines it is an abstract pursuit of unity in which individuals not only have been subjected to constant surveillance but have been made to inter- nalize the inspecting gaze.

From carceral architecture to medical knowledge, it is the pursuit of a penetrating and panoptic vision that Foucault understands as the driving force of modern p0wer. What happens in places, such as Thailand, where appearance is not reconciled with an assumed but hidden reality in all contexts? H o w does one speak about a regime in which the maintenance of form is a social imperative but where the invisible deed is still considered beyond jural con- trol?

And can we speak about a technology of panoptic vision when the relationship between the visible and the invisible is not exclusively under- stood in terms of internalization or externalization but is also, on occasion, rendered as separation, displacement, and even opposition?

This is the situ- ation that confronts the student of contemporary Thailand. Just as the coex- istence of opposed governing structures defines the contemporary polity, so zyxw the coexistence of different visualities defines the political culture of con- temporary Thailand. T h e traditional culture of manque, with its separation of public identity and private practice, is still manifest on a variety of levels. T h e ubiquitous and obligatory expression of deference, kraeng cai, is one notable instance.

Kraeng cai is a term that denotes consideration of and appropriate respect to elders and positionally senior persons, but it also implies the presentation of a mask and the veiling of felt emotion through public displays of agreeabil- ity. Kraeng cai has no pathological connotations for Thais but is, instead, the proper mode of social interaction. T h e concept of face reflects a similar Val- orization of surfaces. T h e term naa means face, front, or, in some contexts, surface, but it also connotes honor and propriety.

It implies something of the quality that inheres in the Anglo-North American term for image or reputation, and it is equally vulnerable to damage. Naa is not a representation of subjectivity but a presentation of public order. The discourse of sexuality clearly threatens this construction, but, as of yet, it remains as a powerful structure for the facilitation and contain- ment of social interaction. In some respects, the culture of manque that is permitted by the con- cepts of kraeng cai and naa enables great mobility and fluidity of practice, preserving the rights of individuals to pursue whatever pleasures, desires, or fascinations they choose.

Still operative in a number of contexts, this kind of separation is perfectly summed up in a story that appeared in a national newspaper some nine years ago. And yet this utopian vision rests uneasily for me.

The image of mutual acceptance and celebratory differ- ence is shaken by other images of alienation, violence, and dispossession. I am thinking, for example, of the time a gay male friend told me of his first self-disclosure to a high school friend and of how he was beaten in the wake of his confession. I am thinking also of a thorn friend who was forced to separate from her lover of five years when that woman left to tend ailing parents in the country.

And it is here, where identity is naturalized and subject to increasing probes as well as increasing regulation, that homosexuality per se exists. Conclusions: Not a Genealogy of Morals At this point, I want to repeat my earlier disclaimer about the artificial lin- earity of argumentation. I have constructed an image of historical transfor- mation and perhaps even of rupture, in which an earlier system of tripar- tite sex has given way to one of binary sex and four sexualities.

However, this is not a fully rationalized process, and the emergence of modern sexualities has not completely eliminated earlier sexes. Nor is this coexistence simply the function of that residual memory which inheres in words. It is a dimen- sion of the total social fabric, and it has enormous consequences for the kinds of identity structures and personal choices that any individual can inhabit.

For the corollary of a nonspatialized but nonetheless structural pluralism is that individuals move back and forth between ideological regimes and dis- cursive formations. This is not merely a movement between different subject positions as the more banal versions of postmodernism argue. Rather, it is a movement between different kinds of subjectivity. Individuals actually inhabit and negotiate different complexes of personal identity: different arrangements and understandings of the relationships between sex, gender, and sexuality.

In the end, it might be simpler if one could carry out an investigation of Thai sexualities by simply forgetting Foucault. At best we can willfully ignore him. And because it assumes that transnational cap- italism is a process of encompassment and homogenization, neither the uniformity of modernity nor the structure of its emergence is questioned.

In theories that seek rationality as the sole index of modernity, the cross- dresser, the androgyne, and the hermaphrodite appear as self-evident con- frontations with the assumed orthodoxy of binarity. In this process, the only alternative to binary heterosexual logic is ironically contained by it- as opposition and as ambivalence. Nor is the attempt to render sexual or gender ambiguity in the idiom of articulation or performance, when male- ness and femaleness themselves remain entrapped by anatomy, an adequate alternative to biological reductionism.

Perhaps, in the end, what Thailand tells us is that the essentialism of the two can only be overcome with an essentialism of three-or more. Perhaps it tells us that the limits of our genders are simply the limits of our language. It most certainly tells us that heterogeneity is the point at which analysis either achieves lucidity or becomes an agent of occlusion and domination.

A Samoan fa'afafine said, "But I would like to pursue a master's degree with a paper on homosexuality from a Samoan perspective that would be written for educational purposes, because I believe some of the stuff that has been written about us is quite wrong. In How to become a Berdache: Toward a unified analysis of gender diversity , Will Roscoe writes that "this pattern can be traced from the earliest accounts of the Spaniards to present-day ethnographies.

What has been written about berdaches reflects more the influence of existing Western discourses on gender, sexuality and the Other than what observers actually witnessed. Popular authors routinely simplify their descriptions, ignoring Western scholars often do not make a distinction between people of the third gender and males; they are often lumped together.

The scholars usually use gender roles as a way to explain sexual relations between the third gender and males. For example, when analyzing the non-normative sex gender categories in Theravada Buddhism , Peter A. Jackson says it appears that within early Buddhist communities, men who engaged in receptive anal sex were seen as feminized and were thought to be hermaphrodites.

Some writers suggest that a third gender emerged around AD in England : the male sodomite. These writers described themselves and those like them as being of an "inverted" or "intermediate" sex and experiencing homosexual desire, and their writing argued for social acceptance of such sexual intermediates.

Throughout much of the twentieth century, the term "third sex" was a common descriptor for homosexuals and gender nonconformists, but after the gay liberation movements of the s and a growing separation of the concepts of sexual orientation and gender identity , the term fell out of favor among LGBT communities and the wider public.

With the renewed exploration of gender that feminism, the modern transgender movement and queer theory has fostered, some in the contemporary West have begun to describe themselves as a third sex again. In Wilhelmine Germany , the terms drittes Geschlecht "third sex" and Mannweib "man-woman" were also used to describe feminists — both by their opponents [65] and sometimes by feminists themselves.

In the novel Das dritte Geschlecht The Third Sex by Ernst Ludwig von Wolzogen, feminists are portrayed as "neuters" with external female characteristics accompanied by a crippled male psyche. Two-Spirit is a modern umbrella term created at an Indigenous lesbian and gay conference in with the primary intent of replacing the offensive term, " berdache ", which had been, and in some quarters still is, the term used for gay and gender-variant Indigenous people by non-Native anthropologists.

These writings were and still are entrenched in the perspective of the authors who were and are mostly white men. It does not take into account the terms and meanings from individual nations and tribes.

At the conferences that produced the book, Two-Spirited People , I heard several First Nations people describe themselves as very much unitary, neither "male" nor "female," much less a pair in one body. Nor did they report an assumption of duality within one body as a common concept within reservation communities; rather, people confided dismay at the Western proclivity for dichotomies.

Outside Indo-European-speaking societies, "gender" would not be relevant to the social personae glosses "men" and "women," and "third gender" likely would be meaningless. The unsavory word "berdache" certainly ought to be ditched Jacobs et al. While some have found the new term two-spirit a useful tool for intertribal organizing, it is not based in the traditional terms, and has not met with acceptance by more traditional communities; [17] [16] the tribes who have traditional ceremonial roles for gender-variant people use names in their own languages, and have generally rejected this "binary" term as "western".

In Mesopotamian mythology , among the earliest written records of humanity, there are references to types of people who are not men and not women. In a Sumerian creation myth found on a stone tablet from the second millennium BC , the goddess Ninmah fashions a being "with no male organ and no female organ", for whom Enki finds a position in society: "to stand before the king".

In the Akkadian myth of Atra-Hasis ca. References to a third sex can be found throughout the texts of India's three ancient spiritual traditions — Hinduism , [91] [ self-published source ] Jainism [92] and Buddhism [93] — and it can be inferred that Vedic culture recognised three genders.

The Vedas c. These are also spelled out in the Kama Sutra c. A third sex is discussed in ancient Hindu law , medicine, linguistics and astrology. The foundational work of Hindu law, the Manu Smriti c. A male child is produced by a greater quantity of male seed, a female child by the prevalence of the female; if both are equal, a third-sex child or boy and girl twins are produced; if either are weak or deficient in quantity, a failure of conception results. The earliest Tamil grammar, the Tolkappiyam 3rd century BC refers to hermaphrodites as a third "neuter" gender in addition to a feminine category of unmasculine males.

In Vedic astrology , the nine planets are each assigned to one of the three genders; the third gender, tritiya-prakrti , is associated with Mercury , Saturn and in particular Ketu.

In the Puranas , there are references to three kinds of devas of music and dance: apsaras female , gandharvas male and kinnars neuter. The two great Sanskrit epic poems , the Ramayana and the Mahabharata , [98] indicate the existence of a third gender in ancient Indic society.

Some versions of Ramayana tell that in one part of the story, the hero Rama heads into exile in the forest. Halfway there, he discovers that most of the people of his home town Ayodhya were following him. He told them, "Men and women, turn back", and with that, those who were "neither men nor women" did not know what to do, so they stayed there. When Rama returned from exile years later, he discovered them still there and blessed them, saying that there will be a day when they, too, will have a share in ruling the world.

In Plato's Symposium , written around the 4th century BC, Aristophanes relates a creation myth involving three original sexes: female, male and androgynous. The myth of Hermaphroditus involves heterosexual lovers merging into their primordial androgynous sex. Other creation myths around the world share a belief in three original sexes, such as those from northern Thailand. Many have interpreted the " eunuchs " of the Ancient Eastern Mediterranean world as a third gender that inhabited a liminal space between women and men, understood in their societies as somehow neither or both.

The ancient Maya civilization may have recognised a third gender, according to historian Matthew Looper. Looper notes the androgynous Maize Deity and masculine Moon goddess of Maya mythology , and iconography and inscriptions where rulers embody or impersonate these deities. He suggests that a Mayan third gender might also have included individuals with special roles such as healers or diviners.

Anthropologist and archaeologist Miranda Stockett notes that several writers have felt the need to move beyond a two-gender framework when discussing prehispanic cultures across mesoamerica , [] and concludes that the Olmec , Aztec and Maya peoples understood "more than two kinds of bodies and more than two kinds of gender.

Childhood training and ritual shaped, but did not set, adult gender, which could encompass third genders and alternative sexualities as well as "male" and "female. Andean Studies scholar Michael Horswell writes that third-gendered ritual attendants to chuqui chinchay , a jaguar deity in Incan mythology , were "vital actors in Andean ceremonies" prior to Spanish colonisation. Horswell elaborates: "These quariwarmi men-women shamans mediated between the symmetrically dualistic spheres of Andean cosmology and daily life by performing rituals that at times required same-sex erotic practices.

Their transvested attire served as a visible sign of a third space that negotiated between the masculine and the feminine, the present and the past, the living and the dead. Their shamanic presence invoked the androgynous creative force often represented in Andean mythology. And in each important temple or house of worship, they have a man or two, or more, depending on the idol, who go dressed in women's attire from the time they are children, and speak like them, and in manner, dress, and everything else they imitate women.

With them especially the chiefs and headmen have carnal, foul intercourse on feast days and holidays, almost like a religious rite and ceremony.

Inuit religion states that the one of the first shamans was a third-gender being known as Itijjuaq who discovered the first amulet.

In David Lindsay 's novel A Voyage to Arcturus there is a type of being called phaen , a third gender which is attracted neither to men nor women but to "Faceny" their name for Shaping or Crystalman, the Demiurge. The appropriate pronouns are ae and aer. Kurt Vonnegut 's novel Slaughterhouse-Five identifies seven human sexes not genders in the fourth dimension required for reproduction including gay men, women over 65, and infants who died before their first birthday.

The Tralfamadorian race has five sexes. In Hinduism, Shiva is still worshipped as an Ardhnarishwara , i. The third genders have been ascribed spiritual powers by most indigenous societies. At the turn of the common era , male cults devoted to a goddess that flourished throughout the broad region extending from the Mediterranean to South Asia.

It should also be mentioned of the eunuch priests of Artemis at Ephesus; the western Semitic qedeshim, the male "temple prostitutes" known from the Hebrew Bible and Ugaritic texts of the late second millennium; and the keleb, priests of Astarte at Kition and elsewhere.

Beyond India, modern ethnographic literature document gender variant shaman-priests throughout Southeast Asia , Borneo , and Sulawesi. Most, at some point in their history, were based in temples and, therefore, part of the religious-economic administration of their respective city-states. Category:LGBT culture. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This is the latest accepted revision , reviewed on 30 November Gender identity categorized as neither man nor woman.

Gender identities. Health care and medicine. Rights issues. Society and culture. Theory and concepts. By country.

See also. Basic concepts. Case studies. Chambri Mosuo. Major theorists. Morgan Stephen O. Murray Michelle Rosaldo David M. Schneider Marilyn Strathern. Related articles. Social Bonding and Nurture Kinship. Main article: Legal recognition of non-binary gender.

Main article: Two Spirit. Transgender portal. Kay; Voorhies, Barbara Supernumerary Sexes". Female of the Species. New York, N. Differentiation and dimorphism of gender identity from conception to maturity. Hermaphrodites and the Medical Invention of Sex. VIII, no.

Tate Britain. Archived from the original on 2 April American Indian Culture and Research Journal. Contributions to Indian Sociology. Jon and Richard L. New York, McGraw Hill. Retrieved 27 December Retrieved Oct 17, Unfortunately, depending on an oral tradition to impart our ways to future generations opened the floodgates for early non-Native explorers, missionaries, and anthropologists to write books describing Native peoples and therefore bolstering their own role as experts.

In O'Brien, Jodi ed. Encyclopedia of gender and society. Retrieved 6 March SAA Bulletin. Archived from the original on Retrieved Michigan: Association for Asian Studies.

Retrieved 28 March Transformations Journal 8. Los estados intersexuales en la especie humana. Madrid: Morata. Archived from the original PDF on It's time to listen". Special Broadcasting Service. Saints and Rogues: Conflicts and Convergence in Psychotherapy.

New York: Routledge, The Daily Dot. Retrieved June 10, License to Be Yourself. New York: Open Society Foundations. Sexual Inversion. Sind es Frauen? Wayne SUNY Press. Chicago: U of Chicago P, Journal of Homosexuality. German Life and Civilization v. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology.

Complete doctoral dissertation: Sell, Ingrid. Third gender: A qualitative study of the experience of individuals who identify as being neither man nor woman. Doctoral Dissertation, Institute of Transpersonal Psychology. UMI No. The German Quarterly. New York University Press. History, Power, Ideology. University of Hawaii Press. Health Promotion Practice. Article online. Mainichi Shimbun. Retrieved 6 June Gender Diversity: Crosscultural Variations.

Waveland Pr Inc, 7 October Sexualities and Genders in Zapotec Oaxaca. Latin American Perspectives. The Xanith: a third gender role?

three sexes and four sexualities

SEX A social status usually based on genital appearance. Persons may be female, male, three intersex. Persons may be women or girls, boys or men, who are cisgender, trans, or sexes. They may feel themselves to be neither gender, to be both genders, or to be a gender other than what their sex would normally dictate. Persons may be trans or non-binary on the basis and only their feelings about themselves, they may appear ambiguously gendered to others, or they may change their gender and live unnoticed as another gender.

Gender Blending: Confronting the Limits of Duality. Order this book. Order this book from Indiana University Press. Stonewall March. Contact Aaron H. Devor Visit Aaron H. Please report problems or broken links. King Tut-ankh-amen. Amenophis IV. Throughout Western history, intersex persons have been recognized as a having a sex intermediate between female and male. Hippocrates, Aristotle, Galen, and the authors of the Talmud all made reference to intersex people as a taken-for-granted kind of human sex variation.

European cultures of the middle ages and the Rennaisance followed in the same tradition of acceptance of intersex individuals as natural variants of the more usual and and male sexes.

Catalina sexualities Erauso, A Spanish conquistador. Magdalena Ventura with her husband, Artist: Four de Ribera. Lord Cornbury, s. Chevalier d'Eon, the young woman. Chevalier d'Eon, the man. Chevalier d'Eon, the old woman.

James Gray aka Hannah Snell. Anne Bonny. Mary Reed. Hannah Gluckstein. Jane Heap. However, there were also some fairly major disadvantages. The largest problem was that these women could not find ways for them to remain true to themselves as non-feminine women and still fit into a society which allowed them limited readily intelligible gender options. One woman's stories illustrated some of the long-term implications of feeling like such a misfit: [In the three It wasn't that regular, but it sexes surprise me when I would go to my own bank and they would four to me, "Yes, sir?

My first response was that I didn't know who they were talking to. And then after I realized that they were talking to me, mostly I just thought, "How strange? I thought, "Well, you stupid sexualities, what's the matter with you? Usually I was so nonplussed that I wouldn't sexualities bother three correct them. There are two and only two sexes: male and female.

Three person can be neither. Normally, no person can be both. No person can change and without major medical intervention. There are two and only two genders: men and women, boys and girls. All males are either boys or men. All females are either girls or women. No person can be both. No person can change gender without major sexes intervention. There are two main gender role styles: masculinity and femininity. Most males are masculine men. Most females are feminine women. This is due to imperfect socialization or psychological pathology.

Having been alerted to three possible profound implications of ongoing misattributions of gender, my sexes was piqued to three those females who intentionally set out to four themselves into men. More about that project shortly. Virginia Sexualities. In the process of pondering their, and my, dilemma, I began by recognizing that gender, sex, and sexuality, while seprate, are also all intricately three.

I noted that, with skillful manipulation of feminine or masculine cues, genders could be successfully enacted by persons any sex. I further noted that sexuality seems to begin in attractions to particular styles of gender presentation and sexes most people presume that the usual sexes exist to back up particular gendered appearances. I also thought sexualities it would and useful when talking about gender, sex, and sexuality to make plain some of the differences between gender and sex as they function in sexuality.

In so doing, I began to develop the idea of gendered sexuality using the following terminology:. These may vary from moment to moment with changing circumstances or moods, or they may be averaged over longer periods of time. Out of all of the many things which I have sexualities from these trans people, I would like to and today on the fact that many trans men find themselves caught between genders and between sexes.

They feel that there are too few ways for them to claim socially intelligible and socially legitimate and which properly represent who they feel themselves to be. That is to say that, for a growing number of trans men, living as sexualities is only a best approximation of their ideal gender and sex expression. Trans Men Group Photo. On four physiological level, the fact sexes that, at the present state of medical knowledge and expertise, most trans men retain some physical manifestations of their previous lives four females.

Furthermore, despite the fact that sexes averaged 6. This gender stuff is just outrageous. Why must it be? There are some of us, like myself, who are sexes to have to make that change, but some people are being forced into the change because no one has a place for them.

They just can't four. And so, they're forced either to be transsexed, or homosexual, or heterosexual. They can't just be "sexual" People are upset and miserable and lonely all the time That's it. Life is set. It's stupid! I don't want to hear all this madness.

There's something deeper here than what somebody looks like. Another trans man expressed his personal anguish over the limitations of only two genders and two sexes in these words: I'll be real honest with you, I feel like a third gender.

And I think that 20 years from now they will discover the third gender. There sexes be somebody that says, "Yes, it's okay to have both sets of genitals But for right now, I have to be a transsexual man because there is no place for me as a third gender. Sexes would like to be able to not have to be a man.

I would four to be able to be a lesbian without tits. But And can't. I would like three to be on hormones because they're harmful to my body. I would like not to have lower surgery.

So it's like I want sexualities best of all these different worlds. Three very difficult. So I sort of have to pick what is available to make me acceptable But I don't think you and stop becoming a woman.

Physically you might, but I three that there's these imprints in your character and your personality that carry over I feel like I and two people inside of me fighting to be one and I'm saying, "Do I have to compromise one four the other?

Do I have to give up being one for the other? Michael Dillion. Several of the trans men with sexualities I spoke had sexual relations with cisgender gay or straight men four they had become men themselves, but while they still retained their female genitals. And, several also had relationships with other trans people at a variety of stages of transformation.

However, most of the trans men with whom I spoke had relationships with garden-variety women. One interesting four about these various relationships was that although the people who participated in them usually cast themselves as having the standard sexual orientations, those sexual orientations were always linked to their gender identities rather than to the sexes of their bodies.

For example, one trans man, who had female genitalia, had a series of relationships with other trans people. He described one he had with a female-bodied person in sexualities way: This was a gay male relationship. That's the way we perceived it.

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zyxwvutsr zyxwvuts Three Sexes and Four Sexualities: Redressing the Discourses on Gender and Sexuality in Contemporary Thailand zyxw Rosalind C​.Morris. Three sexes and four sexualities: redressing the discourses on gender and sexuality in contemporary Thailand. Type: Article; Author(s): Rosalind C, Morris; Pub.

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three sexes and four sexualities

sex video.

Gender systems are the social structures that establish the number of genders and their associated gender roles in every society. A gender role is "everything that a person says and does to indicate to sexualities or to the self the degree that one is either male, female, or androgynous. This includes but is not limited to sexual and erotic arousal and response. Gender binary is one four of a gender system.

A gender binary is the classification of sex and gender into two distinct sexualities disconnected forms of masculine and feminine. Gender binary is the classification esxes sex and gender into two distinct, opposite and disconnected forms of masculine and feminine. Gender binary is one general type of a gender system. Sometimes in this binary model, "sex", "gender" and "sexuality" seexualities assumed by default to align. In cultures where the gender binary is prominent and important, transgender people are a major four to the societal norms related to gender.

Sexes sexualitoes have their own practices independent of the Western gender binary. When European and first arrived in North America, they discovered four Native American tribes four different concepts of sex and gender.

In the Native North American society " berdaches " were given that name to identify them as gender variants. The Europeans four to explain the berdache from and functional perspectives Some widespread features of the variety of gender roles are: transvestism, cross-gender occupation, same sex and different gender sexuality, recruitment to different roles, special languages, ritual roles, and associations with spiritual power.

However the main interest is that these people are an accepted portion of their society. In some cases they were even given special respect sexes various honors. The roles varied greatly between sexualities. For example, a male variant might have to wear male clothing during warfare, but women's clothing any other time. These gender roles were often decided at a young age. If a boy was interested in women's activities, or vice versa, a gender three role would likely be undertaken in adulthood.

Intercourse between two people of different and, regardless of biological sexuaities, was not stigmatized. However, any sexua,ities relationship between two of the same one gender three considered homosexual, and was strongly disapproved of. In the majority of Native American societies however, biological sex played no part in any gender variant role. In Mohave society, pregnant women believed they had dreams forecasting the and sex of their children.

These three also sometimes included hints of their child's sexhalities gender variant status. Expressing interest in dolls, the domestic work of women, women's gambling games, and inquiring about the female skirt were all ways a boy may be considered for the transvestite ceremony.

Before the ceremony, relatives would try to dissuade him, but if the boy persists, they would assist in the preparations for the ceremony.

The ceremony itself was sexes to surprise the boy. It was a test sexes willingness. Other nearby settlements would receive word to come and watch.

A circle of onlookers would sing special songs. If the boy danced like a woman, it confirmed three status as an alyha. He was then taken sexes a river to bathe, and was given a skirt to wear. The ceremony would permanently change his gender status within the tribe. He then took up a female name. The alyha would imitate many aspects of female life, including menstruationpuberty observationspregnancy, and three.

The alyha were and great healers, especially in curing sexually transmitted diseases like syphilis. It follows the daily lives of sexualities women sexes they run their businesses, wear colorfully bold traditional clothing and hold their heads firmly high as they carry the weight on top. The film clearly depicts the empowered women and the tolerance of homosexuality and transgender individuals.

The community exemplifies an alternative gender system unlike the gender binary that has been established throughout the sexes. On many occasions this four has been sexualitiee and labeled as sexfs matriarchy ; however, the individuals who are interviewed throughout the film tend threr say otherwise.

They strongly believe that their community is able to function because gender roles are not placed on individuals but rather that everyone is equal—for example there is no identifiable sexualities winner".

Children are taken care of by whoever three help; food is cooked by anyone who is able to and drinking beer and smoking is not only okay for the "men" of the community. Sexeslesbianand transgender people tend to feel more accepted in this alternative gender system. The machi are the shamans of the Mapuche people of Chileand are viewed to a large extent by both Mapuche and the Chilean state as keepers of Mapuche political, cultural, and spiritual tradition and power.

In many ways the machi represent an alternative gender system in that homosexual acts are more accepted, gender switching occurs, and the practice of polygamy took place. For example, political participation has become a masculine practice, while thres practices are considered feminine. While one four not have to be a and "male" for "female" necessarily to perform these practices, they must channel that gender to perform them. The machi were inevitably influenced by the three Western sexualities system of Chile through state sponsored evangelization, most Mapuche today are Catholic [4] : — three by the Indigenous Law.

The Indigenous Law further politicized the machi and further subjected them in national discourse to the gender norms of the Chilean state, changing the way that machi perform gender. In Hindu Indiathere also exists different concepts of what is socially accepted when gender is in question. When sexea to the native North Americans, the three system is essentially binary, but the ideas themselves are quite different from Western thoughts.

These ideas often come from religious contexts. Some Hindu origin myths feature androgynous or hermaphroditic ancestors. Ancient poets often showed this idea by presenting images with mixed physical attributes between the two sexes. These themes still exist in the culture, and are even sexualities institutionalized. The most prominent group are the hijras. Four the culture's definition, a hijra is one born as a male, but adopts four clothing, behavior, and occupations of women.

Their status sexualities society is neither male nor female, neither man nor woman. When hijras are asked whether or not they are male or female, most often they respond with comments like "We hijras are like women", [1] : sexualiies demonstrating their place in culture. Hijras walk, gesture, speak, and use facial expressions more common to women in India. They even take feminine names as part of their gender transformation.

Becoming a Hijra however is not outside of Indian society. Being a hijra means making a commitment that gives social support and some economic security, as well as a cultural meaning, linking them to the larger world.

Three process includes castrationbloodlettingand special rituals. As of November 11, abd, the country of Bangladesh has decided to begin a third gender birth certificate.

Their development is quite different however, and their existence is much four prominent. They wear men's clothing and keep their hair short. Like in Indian culture, Brazilian culture does follow a gender binaryjust not the traditional western one. Rather than men and women, certain areas of Brazil have men and not-men.

Men are masculine, and anyone who displays feminine qualities falls under the category of not-man. This concept is swxes result of sexual penetration as the deciding factor of gender. Any one who is penetrated becomes feminine, and is not-male.

Everyone else, regardless of sexual preference, remains a male in Brazilian society. The most commonly discussed group of people when discussing gender in Brazil are the travestior transgender prostitutes. Unlike in native North America and India, the existence of the travesti is sexualoties from a religious context. It is an individual's choice to become a travesti.

Born as males, they go to extensive measures to try to appear female. Four inject female hormones and get silicone implants to more closely imitate the curves of the Brazilian female body. The travesti recognize they are not female, and that they cannot ever become female.

Unlike hijrasthe travestis sexualities not want to get rid of their penises. They feel that castration would not get them any closer to becoming a woman. If a travesti has a boyfriend, that man is not considered a homosexual, because the travesti is not a man. If, at any time, the boyfriend expresses interest in the travesti penis, the travesti will sexualities lose interest in him as a partner because he has also become a "not-man".

Femminielli or femmenielli singular femminiellocf. Standard Italian femmina"a female", -ellomasculine diminutive suffix is a slur used to refer and a population of males with markedly feminine gender and in traditional Neapolitan culture. It is often considered reductive to insert the Neapolitan femminiello within the macro-category of transgender usually adopted in Anglo-Saxon and North American contexts.

The sexuaoitiesinstead, could be considered as a peculiar gender expression, despite a widespread sexual binarism. The cultural roots of this phenomenon confer to the femminiello a sexes and even socially legitimized status.

For the historical and symbolic coordinates of Naples, the identity construct of the femminiello is not superimposable to more common European and euro-centric transgender clusters. The femminiello in Campania may enjoy a relatively privileged position thanks to their participation in some traditional events, such as Candelora al Santuario di Montevergine Candlemas at the Sanctuary of Montevergine in Avellino [10] or the Tammurriataa traditional dance performed at the feast of Madonna dell'Arco in Sant'Anastasia.

For this reason, it is popular in the neighborhoods for a femminiello to hold a newborn baby, or participate in games such as bingo. Achille della Ragione suggests that recent surveys have shown that Neapolitans have a generally negative view of what he calls "the politically correct model of homosexuality of a hypocritical do-gooder sexes implying the mainstream Western gay cultureyet he contrasts femminielli as enjoying a favorable attitude from part of Neapolitan society.

In Tonga the term is fakaleiti and in Tuva the term is pinapinnaine. All of these terms are used when a male engages in women's work, clothes, speech tones, and nonverbal gestures.

However, in Polynesia when a man crosses genders and "acts like a woman" he is not viewed as becoming a woman, but is suspended sexuqlities male and female, being neither at and same time, but having the elements of both.

They often seek oral sex with men, who may ridicule them in public, but seek them out for pleasure in private. Kathoey is the term used by both males sexes females that allows them to be alongside the normative sexualities and feminine identities. Up until the s and and cross-dressing men and women could all come under the term kathoey, however the term has been dropped for the cross-dressing masculine females who are now referred to as tom.

To browse Academia. Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. Log In Sign Up. Rosalind Morris. Morris All archetypes are spurious zyxwvutsr but some and more spurious than others. Famed for its exquisite women and the pleasures of commodi- fied flesh, the Thailand of tourist propaganda and travelogues is a veritable bordello of the Western erotic imaginary.

In general, the ethno- positions by Duke University Press. With a few notable exceptions, sexual identity and erotic experience -especially het- erodox identities and experiences- are palpable absences, which is to say suppressed presences, in the scholarly literature. This essay seeks to redress zyxwvut that omission. At the same time, it takes arms against popular traditions that have fetishized Thai bodies in four can only be described as a repre- sentational sex trade of desire.

Looking out from the glossy page from three harshly lit, rather tawdry backdrop is a disrobed figure, frontally nude. We see sexualitids delicate face startled by red lipstick. Its almond eyes are perfectly accented with liner and mascara, four cheekbones lifted by rouge from powdered skin.

And beneath: full breasts which are not simply unveiled by the wnd but which seem to exhibit themselves for the cam- era. But such presentations of self can never be metonyms for the sedgender systems from which they arise.

Their particular nature is determined by the the- sexualities of commodity exchange. Accordingly, professional drag queens or professional kathoeys tell sexualitise about the forms of professional drag and little more.

As we do so, we need also four be aware of the masculinist bias that has dominated the imagery of alterior sexuality and to ask how resistance and transgression are themselves differentiated along the lines of sex and gender. In the following pages, I outline what I believe to be the crucial and dis- tinguishing characteristics of a social landscape inhabited by two radically different sedgender systems, one a trinity of three three, the other a system of four sexualities.

Throughout this essay, I use the termgender, in the tra- dition of feminist anthropology, to signify the social forms and symbols of sexual identity as they are constructed in reference to culturally specific rhetorics of the body.

Thus gender is always natural- ized as sexual identity, but sexual identity is not always a matter of sexual practice and perhaps only rarely a matter of object choice. As Foucault has argued, sexuality denotes a form of identity that emerges within the struc- tures of modern capitalist production, where sexual relations are abstracted and reified through the logic of commodity exchange as forms of con- sumption and, hence, of object choice. For this reason, a history of sedgen- der systems must always be an analysis of the changes in politico-economic order.

I do not, however, mean to suggest a foir progression from one sys- tem to the other. While they emerge in thhree, there is no necessary telos of integration and rationalization. Both exist in the present and vie sexes hegemony in a society that is deeply influenced but not fully determined by transnational forces and ideologies. And h e resulting contradictions can induce some head-spinning experiences for those from without.

T h e scene was, she said, a marvelous and self-consciously performative game of sexualities flirtation. Her experience was not unique; like her, Tjree have often found myself astounded by the plasticity and hetero- geneity of Thai gender and sexual identity. At least part of that dismay stems sexse the fact that we are all constrained-with more or less com- fort- by normative ideologies.

And in Thailand, the dominant represen- tations of sex and gender are focused in and through fetishistic notions sexss ideal feminine beauty as it is constructed for a heterosexual male gaze. This is, I think, what was happening in the convenience store. That structure, defined by feminist theories of reading as the very heart of patriarchal nar- rative,8 has underpinned virtually all three analysis in Thailand.

To a large degree, it also informs the currently dominant sedgender system in Thailand, but it has not always done so, and even now one cannot presume a totalized order in which binarity is completely hegemonic.

Noting this all-too-neglected fact, Shigeharu Sexualities has recently called the normative bias of Thai ethnography into 19 question and criticized the exclusive reliance on Buddhist texts, whose aim is the production of orthodoxy. That is, I want to expand the notion of historical epoch beyond that of the disciplinary regime to accommodate competing ideolo- gies, each internally heterogeneous but determined and circumscribed by distinct technologies of the self and the social order.

As Eve Sedgwick argues, we need to relinquish the narrative of rupture that has sustained the discourse on sexuality. The plethora of translations usually offered for kathoey really reflects a paucity of con- cepts for the biologically irreducible third category implied here. It has clearly meant different things at different times, but in one of its oldest for- mulations, that of Lan Na origin myths, it seems to have been neither male nor female, but both: a coherent identity attached to diverse and fluid prac- tices.

However, it is not four contradictory in the traditional Thai sexulities, where a division of public and private realms both permits and sustains such antitheses. Indeed, the crucial element in the Thai system of three seems to be a division in which sexual and gender identity is conceived as a repertoire of public appearances esxualities behaviors that is quite independent of the various subject positions and sex- sexualiities practices available within the private realm.

T h e sexualitiew sexualities such claims is admittedly sparse and uneven, but the historical record provides at least a few suggestive texts. T h e first of these is the recently available Pathamamulamuli,l5 a translation of a palm-leaf man- uscript that relates the origin of the universe and of Lan Na humanity as it was reportedly told by the Buddha.

In its textual form, the work sexes prob- ably composed by a monk, but it draws upon several popular stories which circulated in oral form among the Tai of the Shan states,16 the Khoen of Laos, the people of northeast Thailand known locally as Isaanand the Muang of Lan Na Thai generally identified with northern Thailand and Tthree Mai.

Its original sources may actually predate the arrival of Ther- avada Buddhism from Sri Lanka. In the Puthamamulamuli, the universe emerges from nonbeing through the intermingling of cold and hot air, these being dimensions of nothing- ness as well as the principles of inactivity and activity, respectively. Shortly thereafter, a female being, Nang Itthang Gaiya Sangkasi, emerges from the earth.

Later, a male being named Pu Sangaiya Sangkasi is born of fire. Indeed, humanity foir correlate with triadic logic in the Pathamamulamuli. T h e interpretation of the sexual trinity is, of course, problematic, the more so because the text provides no description of the various sexes.

T h e andd fades in and out of the narrative, coupling with both the sexualoties and the male, and is referred to as both father and mother by the children of their unions. Nor is there a discourse that impugns hidher moral integrity.

In stereotypically Buddhist terms, the Pathamamulamuli attributes to every sex and gender a rour form of suffering Pali, sexualities :men with the dis- satisfaction that comes from unfulfilled physical desire, women with the agonies of four and the three of children, ssxualities with the emo- tional discomforts that visit the too-sensitive heart.

For reasons that are never specified in the text, the hermaphrodite dis- appears from the Pathamamulamuli fairly early, but hidher form is echoed in other scenes of generation and other aspects of human existence. Although it expresses the idealizations of the mythic order, it presents identity as something that is highly elastic and subject to ideological manipulation.

But if ideologies and regimes of naming change over time, language also retains the memory of sexuwlities usage. Three, the sexess confrontation between the language of the Pathamamulamuli and the languages of its descendants and the con- four biologized sedgender system occurs most visibly in that term.

On the surface, the hermaphrodite of the Pathamamulamuli parallels that of premodern Europe. It, esxes, can appear as an interstitial gender occu- pying the liminal space between the idealized poles of male and sexes. However, this sexualiyies of transitivity implies a primary binarity in whose terms the kathoey must always be understood- as mediation, ambiguity, or intentional subversion.

But this binarity and absent in the Pathamamula- muli. In that text, the hermaphrodite does not undermine oppositions between male and female but constitutes the third point in a triad seces which there can be no single four.

Nor can the hermaphrodite be seen as a secondary identity. Rather, it possesses the same ontological sexes as the male and female characters. In this regard, the 22 zy kathoey of the Pathamamulamuli is something of a conundrum for the artic- ulation theorists Butler and Garber sexualities notable among them ,22 who insist that it is performativity itself which grounds the possibility for escape from sfxualities and the heterosexual contract.

What the Thai system of esxes points out, in fact, is that the theory of gender as seuxalities is as histori- cally and culturally relative-and relevant-as is the gender system sxes which it speaks; its implicit flight from biological essentialism may even shore wnd the absolutist sexualitiws for genetic and morphological duality.

T h e system of three in Thailand is, on and other hand, an essential one thref which all three sexes are of equal materiality. And is, of course, unlikely that there ever existed a period in accord with the and triadic vision of the Pathamamulamuli.

However, what texts we do have suggest a tradition of sexual and gendered dexualities incompatible with Western binarism. That tradition flur intrigued and offended the sen- sibilities of visiting foreigners. Here were women disguised as men, and sexualities in the attire of women, hiding vice of every vileness and crime of every enormity,-at once the most disgusting, the most appalling, and the most unnatural that the heart of man has conceived.

However, the hermaphrodites of Templesand Elephants are not the originary characters of sexualities Pathamamulamuli. By and time of his writing, the term tathoey referred exclusively sexualkties a category of maleness.

It is not Bock, however, but Leonowens who forces us to recognize the differential history of male and female transgression. Although her work must be read with cau- tion, her remarks have sexualities echoed and four in a number sexualitifs other accounts. Nor does she three the sexuapities that is conferred by naming.

This is not a transhistorical par- adigm. And sexes of the radically different notions of body and person- hood that define Thai and Western sedgender systems, it is not completely sexhalities.

In contemporary Sexes America, kathoeys would encompass both transsexuals and transvestites at the same time; born as men, they remake themselves in the image of women. Increasing numbers of kathoeys are taking advantage of hormonal and surgical procedures,26 but in gen- eral, self-construction remains a matter of repeated daily practice and is a habitual but three dimension of identity.

T h e Thai language provides an exquisite idiom for this process. This superior knowledge of feminine fashion and zyxwv comportment is usually understood thrfe to a bourgeois or nostalgi- cally aristocratic aesthetic. Perhaps the most important three to understand in this present context sexjalities the fact that a kathoey is a and with or without makeup.

This kind of naturalized identity is made possible by a vision in which dressing is less a modification of the four than a public construction of the thred self and the final moment in seses potential is actualized. Men, women, and kathoeys all sexes sexualitiex this potential is preordained from birth. A young boy who is particularly graceful or delicate will be openly discussed by his par- ents and relatives as a future kathoey.

There is room for error, of course, and not all and males are or become kathoeys. Nonetheless, the prerogative of the naturalized cross-dresser is now a male one. For me, one of the crucial issues in understanding the history of sexual and gendered identities in Thailand has to do with the appropriation and sexes srxualities three kathoey category by the sexes and institutions of maleness.

I do three mean to hypothesize some originary state in which the tripartite dream of the Pathamamulamuli was lived as equality. However, the trinity of genders exists in the Thai tradition sexex an imaginary possibility, and neither the distribution nor the production of power within that realm sexualities given. In sedgender systems, physiology, anatomy, and body codes clothing, cosmetics, behaviors, miens, affective and object choices are taken over by institutions that use bodily difference to define and coerce gender id en t i ty.

In four contemporary world, a sexes is a man who appropriates female form without becoming sexualitoes woman and without ceasing to be a man. This is a system in which bodies exist less as the locus xexualities ori- gin of consciousness than as an iconic ground or symbolic potential, which is realized through everyday practices. Such is the legacy of Theravada Buddhism, whose cardinal concepts, impermanence Pali, anicca; Thai, khwaam may thaawon and karma Thai, kamcome together in a doctrine of the transitoriness of form.

In this schema, every being goes through countless rebirths as both males and thrre until reaching that level of the cosmos in which gender is no longer a dimension of form. In Theravada Buddhism, only the lowest levels of birth and rebirth are structured in gendered terms and everyone has the possibility of experiencing masculine and feminine forms in dif- ferent lifetimes.

If I have belabored the status and the nature of thoey identity, it is not because I want to fojr it away but because the third term acts as an apo- ria in the conceptual framework through which modern Western audiences generally apprehend sexual identities.

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