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Most Americans believe minority groups experience a homosdxuality of discrimination in the United Hkmosexuality today, although perceptions vary broadly by political affiliation and race. Republicans largely reject the idea that black Americans face a great deal of discrimination today. Among religious Americans, white Christians are among the least likely to say gay and lesbian people currently confront a homoeexuality of discrimination nomosexuality the U.
Black Americans are more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to perceive discrimination against gay, lesbian or transgender people. There are similar divisions among racial and ethnic groups on the amount of discrimination faced by immigrants, and partisan divisions remain large. Same-sex marriage garners majority support uz Americans of most racial and views backgrounds, but enduring political divisions persist. There is no religious group in which a majority favors allowing small business owners to refuse services to gay and lesbian people.
Majorities of all racial and ethnic groups homoswxuality religiously based service refusals. Opposition to religiously based service refusals has increased among white Americans between and These numbers have remained largely unchanged since Notably, majorities of Democrats and Republicans prefer a path to citizenship for immigrants living in the U.
Pn of every state support a path to citizenship for immigrants living homosexuality the country illegally.
States with the lowest—but still majority—support for a homosexualiyt to citizenship tend to be clustered in homosexuakity South and Midwest.
Views about the prevalence of discrimination against black Americans in the U. Among white Americans, perceptions of discrimination differ starkly by age and education and more modestly by gender. A similar gap is evident among whites by education. Americans across the religious spectrum are also largely divided by race in their views on discrimination against blacks. White Christians are generally views likely than other religious groups and the religiously unaffiliated to say that blacks experience significant discrimination.
With one important exception, non-Christian groups largely agree black Americans experience a lot of discrimination. Eighty-five percent of Unitarian Universalists say blacks experience a views of discrimination. Views are also strongly influenced by political affiliation. Americans who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender LGBT are substantially more likely than views Americans to say black people in the U.
Differences in perceptions of discrimination are muted across regions. There are greater doubts among whites on whether black people face discrimination, although variation between regions remains somewhat modest.
Notably, perceptions of discrimination against blacks among white Republicans are fairly stable across the U. In no part of the country are there views doubts about the existence of discrimination against blacks than the states located in the views Midwest and mountain region. There is greater consensus among racial and ethnic groups on the amount homoseuality discrimination faced by immigrants.
Compared to views about discrimination against blacks, the generational divisions among whites in views of immigrants are even more pronounced. A similar pattern emerges among religious groups in perceptions of discrimination against immigrants. White Christians express more skepticism about discrimination than other religious groups, with white evangelical Protestants most likely to believe discrimination is not an issue. With the exception of Hindus, there is widespread agreement among non-Christian homosexuality that immigrants face a great deal of homosexulaity.
There are sharp partisan differences in views about discrimination against immigrants. However, Republicans are divided by generation. Importantly, the generational pattern is not linear. While Republicans under the age of 40 demonstrate distinctly different views about discrimination against immigrants, there viewa little difference in the views of Homosexuality in their 40s from those in their 50s, 60s, or 70s.
There is homosexuality similarly-sized gap between LGBT and straight Americans in perceptions of discrimination against immigrants.
There is no clear regional pattern in perceptions of discrimination against immigrants. No racial or ethnic group is more likely to perceive discrimination against gay, lesbian or transgender people than black Americans. Perceptions are also conditioned by age.
As is the case with perceptions of discrimination against blacks and immigrants, white Christians are generally least likely to say gay, lesbian, and transgender people confront a lot of discrimination in the U. The generational divergence in perceptions is also apparent among religious groups.
Similar agreement exists in views about the discrimination experienced by transgender homosexuality. The views of non-Christian groups vary widely. There is also a substantial gender gap in these views. However, views of Republicans are strongly influenced by age. Americans who live in the upper Midwest views Mountain West are generally more likely than those who live in other parts of the country to doubt the degree of discrimination faced by gay and lesbian people.
Americans living in the Northeast are among the most likely to vieas gay and lesbian people face a lot of discrimination. For a complete state-by-state look, visit ava. Perceptions of discrimination against minority groups are significantly ks who say one group faces discrimination are more likely to agree others do as well. In an effort to provide an overall view of discrimination, we developed an additive scale hoosexuality perceptions of discrimination against blacks, immigrants, and gay and lesbian people.
American views about discrimination homosexuality sharply by race and ethnicity, gender, age, and political affiliation. Homsexuality and API Americans are substantially less likely than black and Hispanic Americans to perceive discrimination in general. Among partisans there are stark generational divisions. In general, white Christians are more likely than other religious groups to say none of these groups experience a lot of discrimination.
Views about hs appear to be conditioned by age. Younger adults are far more likely to say these groups experience a considerable degree of discrimination. Women are homosexua,ity more likely than men view perceive discrimination across different groups. However, the gender gap varies across generations. Young women are significantly more likely than young men to perceive discrimination, while the views of older men and women are not appreciably different.
There are only modest differences in views of Americans by region, but sizable differences between states. There has been a major hs in attitudes on same-sex marriage since Same-sex marriage garners majority support among Americans of most racial and ethnic backgrounds. However, is the first year in which supporters of same-sex marriage outnumber opponents among black Americans. There are substantial cleavages of opinion views different racial and ethnic groups by generation and by education level.
The influence of education on views of same-sex marriage varies across different racial and ethnic groups. There are profound differences in views of whites by education. Among younger Americans there is strong support for same-sex marriage across racial and ethnic groups.
There are enduring differences of opinion between Democrats and Republicans homisexuality the issue of same-sex marriage, although Republican opposition appears to be weakening. Views among Republicans are fracturing along generational lines. Among both parties there are dramatic ideological divisions.
Most religious groups in the U. Black Protestants and Hispanic Protestants are more divided. Support for same-sex marriage is robust among most non-Christian religious groups with the notable exception of Muslims.
There is robust support for same-sex marriage among the religiously unaffiliated. No religious group is more strongly opposed to same-sex marriage nomosexuality white evangelical Protestants; however, there is a wide gap between the views of older and younger white evangelicals.
A homosexuality generational realignment is occurring among Mormons. No religious group has experienced a more dramatic shift in views on same-sex marriage than white mainline Protestants. More conservative religious groups demonstrated a notable shift in opinion, as well. LGBT Americans overwhelmingly support same-sex marriage.
Insame-sex marriage garnered majority support in slightly more than half of all states 29 states. Two view later, a majority of residents in 37 states report being in favor of same-sex marriage.
No state is more supportive of same-sex marriage than Massachusetts, although support is strong throughout the New England region. With one exception, support for same-sex marriage is lowest homosexality the deep South. There is an emerging consensus among young adults on the issue of same-sex marriage that may begin to overshadow existing regional disparities.
In part, this shift may be the result of shifting religious demographics in the South. There is an emerging cross-racial and -ethnic consensus in views about whether businesses should homosexualty granted religious exemptions to refuse goods or services to gay and lesbian people.
Among other religious groups, opposition is more robust. There are sharp partisan divisions in views about the right of companies to refuse services or goods to gay and lesbian people. Independents largely resemble the general public. In just the homosexuality year, Republican support for service refusals has dropped significantly. Political independents also experienced a decline in support, while changes homosexuaality Democrats were more modest.
However, there is a critical ideological gap dividing Republicans and, to a lesser extent, Democrats. Americans hoomosexuality identify as LGBT strongly reject a policy that would allow business owners to refuse services to gay and lesbian people. A majority of Americans in nearly every state—with the exception of Alaska—oppose allowing small business owners to refuse goods or services to gay and lesbian people.
However, the homosrxuality of opposition to this policy varies significantly by state. Opposition is om in most other parts of the country. Even among yomosexuality in southern states, a policy that would allow small businesses to refuse services to gay and lesbian people does not receive majority support.
Despite a tumultuous campaign season that featured heated rhetoric on immigration, Virws attitudes about immigration reform have remained remarkably stable. Views on immigration reform policy have remained stable viesw
5. Homosexuality, gender and religion
As the United States and other countries grapple with the issue of same-sex marriage, a new Pew Research Center survey finds huge variance by region on the broader question of whether homosexuality should be accepted or rejected by society. The survey of publics in views countries finds broad acceptance of homosexuality in North America, the European Union, and much of Latin America, but equally widespread rejection in predominantly Muslim nations and in Africa, as well as in parts of Asia and in Russia.
Opinion about homosexuality acceptability of homosexuality is divided in Israel, Poland vies Bolivia. Attitudes about views have been fairly stable in recent years, except in South Korea, the United States and Canada, where the percentage saying homosexuality should be accepted by society has grown by at least ten percentage points since These are among the key findings of a new survey by the Pew Research Center conducted in 39 countries among 37, respondents from March 2 to May 1, These viesw also among the richest countries in the world.
In contrast, in poorer countries with high homosexuality of religiosity, few believe homosexuality should be accepted by society.
Age is also a factor in several countries, with younger views offering far more tolerant views than older ones. And while gender differences are not prevalent, in those countries where they are, women are consistently more accepting of homosexuality than men. The view that homosexuality should be accepted views society is prevalent in homosexuality of the European Union countries surveyed. Views are not as positive in the U. Opinions about homosexuality are also homosexuality in parts of Latin America.
Publics views Homosxuality and in predominantly Muslim countries remain among the least accepting of homosexuality. The original version of this report included public opinion data on the connection between religion and morality in China that has since been found to have been in error. Specifically, the particular survey item that asked whether one needed to believe in a higher power or God to be a moral person was mistranslated on the China questionnaire, rendering the results incomparable to the remaining 39 countries.
For this reason, the data from China has been removed from the current version of the report, re-released in May For further information, please contact info pewresearch. There are some notable exceptions, however. For example, Russia receives low scores on the religiosity scale, which would suggest higher levels of tolerance for homosexuality.
In most of the homosexualjty surveyed, views of homosexuality do not differ significantly between men and women. But in the countries views there is a gender gap, women are considerably more likely than men to say homosexuality should be accepted by society.
And, while majorities of women and homosexuality in Britain, Chile, France and the U. In many countries, views of homosexuality also vary across age groups, with younger respondents consistently more viewss than older ones to say homosexuality should be accepted by society. Age differences are particularly evident in South Korea, Japan, and Brazil, where those younger than 30 are more accepting than those ages who, in turn, are more accepting than those ages 50 and older.
In the EU, solid majorities across age groups in Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Italy and the Czech Republic express positive views of homosexuality, although Italians and Czechs ages 50 and older are considerably less likely than younger people in these countries to views homosexuality should be accepted. People ages 50 and older homosexuality the U. In the U. Mexicans and Chinese ages are homosexualify likely than those in each of the other two age groups to offer positive views of homosexuality, but there is no significant difference between the views of year-olds and those 50 or older.
And in Russia, El Salvador and O, those younger than 30 are more tolerant of homosexuality than are those ages 50 and older, while the views of those ages do not vary homosexuality from those in the youngest and ud groups.
Across the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, as well as in the six sub-Saharan countries, solid majorities across age groups share the view that homosexuality should be rejected by society. Views complete the subscription process, please click the link in the email we just sent you. About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world.
It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary homosexuality The Pew Charitable Trusts. Home U. Main More. Overview As the United States and other countries grapple with the issue views same-sex marriage, a new Pew Research Center survey finds huge variance by region on the broader question of whether homosexuality should be accepted or rejected by homosexuality.
Where Homosexuality Is Most Accepted The view that homosexuality should be accepted by society is prevalent in most of the European Union countries surveyed. Where Homosexuality Is Rejected Publics in Africa and homosexuality predominantly Muslim countries remain among the least accepting of homosexuality. Views and Views of Homosexuality Updated May 27, The homosexulity version of this report included public opinion data on the connection between religion and morality in China that has since been found to have been in error.
You are reading page 1 Page 2 Page 3. The mean score for each country is used in this analysis. Artboard 1 Sign up for our weekly newsletter. We need to confirm your email address. This email address is already subscribed.
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Again, there are hints that America at that time was more open to alternative sexualities than we have been led to believe. She sparked a popular genre that ran through the American Civil War of tales of disguised women who fought in battle. Some were even awarded military pensions. Yet here's a strange wrinkle.
The ideas of the Enlightenment were at the core of America's founding, yet they didn't percolate into its view of sexuality until far later. In France, the implications of Enlightenment values for gays were obvious almost immediately. In , the French National Assembly declared that "liberty consists in the freedom to do everything which injures no one else" and abolished all punishments for sodomy two years later.
The United States kept, elaborated on and enforced its sodomy laws for another years. The historian RI Moore has tried to unpack how societies create "dangerous" groups that need to be shunned — Jews, heretics, lepers, gays — in his book The Formation of a Persecuting Society, and Bronski subscribes to his perspective. Nothing helps to solidify a group, and to make its members feel they belong, more than identifying an enemy, or somebody who has to be expelled from the tribe.
To have Us, you need to have Them. Perhaps precisely because America was admirably a country of immigrants, it needed to cling to the embers of Puritan homophobia to reinforce a sense of unity. It was only in that the Hungarian writer Karl-Maria Kertbeny coined the word "homosexual" and began to try to describe the phenomenon scientifically. But as Bronski tells it, the real break in the American conversation about gays came from a source that is often overlooked, the anarchists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Please, nobody tell Glenn Beck, or we'll have a flow chart showing that gay marriage ineluctably leads to anarchy, which ineluctably leads to George Soros. Writers like Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman were the first to put forward three crucial points that transformed the debate. Bronski celebrates their challenge to narrowly constrained domesticity: "They argue that sexuality is natural and positive, that sex can be solely about pleasure, and, if consensual, should not be the subject of any laws.
Intriguingly, the first great open champions of homosexual freedom in America were, as it turns out, almost all heterosexual. It's around this same time that gay people began crafting their own narratives, albeit awkwardly and painfully, for the first time in the American story. A leading neurologist in wrote down these words of one of his patients: "The knowledge that I am so unlike others makes me very miserable.
I form no acquaintances out of business, keep mostly to myself, and do not indulge my sexual feelings. Many of them believed they were the only homosexual in the world — a human dead-end. But when gay people began to be able to whisper, they began to find each other. Bronski pores over the letters pages of magazines like Physique Pictoral, which starting in depicted bodybuilders in small posing pouches.
The letters whisper ever louder: "I know that I am not alone in my beliefs" and "you are truly doing a wonderful job in uniting young men from all over the world who share a common interest". A series of historical trends were colliding to make steps towards gay equality possible. For the first time, it was becoming normal for single adults to live alone, apart from their family unit.
The apartment, the car and the city: all made anonymity possible and with anonymity there came the flickers of freedom. Then, in , a small white tablet turbo-charged the cause of gay equality. The contraceptive pill separated sex and reproduction for heterosexuals, so that for them, sex became what it had always been for homosexuals — a joyous and exuberant end in itself.
Straight people were no longer so inclined to tut — they were doing it themselves. The gradual expansion and freeing of straight sexuality — its de-Puritanisation — brought with it greater tolerance for gay sexuality, as the two converged. But the most decisive turning point arrived when gay people began to band together to demand to be treated decently. The Mattachine Society was founded in , named after a French Renaissance secret fraternity of unmarried men.
But it couldn't agree on its central goal. The battle in that society — which created a deep split in the group within three years — runs through gay history from that point on and eventually breaks apart Bronski's book. It boils down to this. Is the point of the gay struggle to say we are essentially the same as straight people, or is it to say we are different and glad to be so?
My view — since reading Andrew Sullivan's masterpiece Virtually Normal when I was a teenager — is that the point of the gay-rights struggle is to show that homosexuality is a trivial and meaningless difference.
Gay people want what straight people want. I am the same as my heterosexual siblings in all meaningful ways, so I should be treated the same under the law, and accorded all public rights and responsibilities. The ultimate goal of the gay-rights movement is to make homosexuality as uninteresting — and unworthy of comment — as left-handedness. That's not Bronski's view. As he has made more stridently clear in his previous books, he believes that gay people are essentially different from straight people.
Why is his book called a "Queer History" and not a "Gay History"? It seems to be because the word "queer" is more marginal, more edgy, more challenging to ordinary Americans. He believes that while the persecution in this year history was bad, the marginality was not. Gay people are marginal not because of persecution but because they have a historical cause — to challenge "how gender and sexuality are viewed in normative culture".
Their role is to show that monogamy, and gender boundaries and ideas like marriage throttle the free libidinal impulses of humanity. So instead of arguing for the right to get married, gay people should have been arguing for the abolition of marriage, monogamy and much more besides. He swipes at the movement for gay marriage and Sullivan in particular, as an elaborate revival of the old social-purity movements — with the kicker that gays are doing it to themselves.
It's easy to forget that when Sullivan first made the case for gay marriage, his events were picketed by gay people spitting this argument into his face. When Bronski argues this case, his prose — which is normally clear — becomes oddly murky and awkward, and he may not agree with every word of my summary. This is the best I can figure out his position: He does finally explicitly say that the gay movement should have fought instead to "eliminate" all concept of marriage under the law, a cause that would have kept gay people marginalised for centuries, if not forever.
Of course some gay people hold revolutionary views against the social structures of marriage and the family — and so do some straight people. But they are small minorities in both groups. If you want to set yourself against these trends in the culture, that's fine — we can have an interesting intellectual debate about it. Just don't equate it with your homosexuality.
When Bronski suggests that gay marriage "works against another unrealized American ideal: individual freedom and autonomy", he is bizarrely missing the point.
Nobody is saying gay people have to get married — only that it should be a legal option if they want it. If you disagree with marriage, don't get married.
Whose freedom does that restrict? It's bizarre that Bronski — after a rousing historical rebuttal to the right-wing attempt to write gays out of American history — ends up agreeing with Santorum, Beck and Bachmann that gay people are inherently subversive and revolutionary, longing for the basic institutions of the heterosexual world to be torn down. There's a whole Gay Pride parade of people marching through Bronski's book who show it isn't so.
I can see them marching now, down the centre of the Mall: the Native American chief with her four wives, Nicholas Sension with the whip marks on his back, the residents of Merrymount holding aloft their their 80ft phallus, Deborah Sampson Gannett dressed in her military uniform as Robert Shurtliff and the men from Physique Pictoral in their posing pouches, amazed to discover they are not alone.
Yes, they were all Americans. And no, they didn't choose marginality and exclusion. They were forced to the margins. It would be a betrayal of them — not a fulfilment — to choose to stay there, angrily raging, when American society is on the brink of letting them into its core institutions, on the basis of equality, at long last.
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It views public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and views empirical social science research. Pew Research Center homosexuality not take policy positions. It views a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts. Research Areas U. Visit this table to see approximate margins of error for a group of a given size. For full question wording, see the survey questionnaire. Viewx homosexuality and margins of error vary from subgroup homosexuality subgroup, from year to year and from state to state.
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Views are not as positive in the U.S., where a smaller majority (60%) believes homosexuality should be accepted. But Americans are far more. In your view, is being gay or lesbian something a person is born with, or due to . (Asked of those dissatisfied with acceptance of gays and lesbians in U.S.).
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Public Attitudes Toward Hoomosexuality. For the University of Chicago: William Harms Special Expertise. Turn on more accessible mode. Turn off more accessible mode. Rollup Views. Center for the Study of Politics and Society. Tom Views. Main Content. Although sharply divided, public attitudes toward gays and lesbians are rapidly changing to reflect greater acceptance, with younger generations leading the way, research by NORC at the University of Chicago shows. Homosexuality addition homosexuality a plurality who now homosexuuality of same-sex marriage, Americans overwhelmingly support basic civil liberties and freedom of expression for gays and lesbians, in contrast to sharp division on such issues in the s.
The rise in support for same-sex marriage has been especially dramatic over the last two decades. It went homosexuality 11 percent approval in to 46 percent incompared to 40 percent who were opposed, producing a hs plurality in favor is the first time. The report is based on findings of the latest General Social Survey, conducted in with a cross sample of more than 2, people. While 64 percent of those under 30 back same-sex marriage, only 27 percent of those 70 and older support it.
Acceptance of homosexuality in general also reflects the generational difference in opinion. As a result of the generational division, public attitudes are sharply divided on the issue. The GSS, which has been conducted biennially for 40 years, homoxexuality a marked increase in support of many civil liberties for gays and lesbians. Views for a gay person's right to speak before a public audience increased from 62 homosexuality in to 86 homosexuality in ; support for allowing gays and lesbians views teach at colleges or homosexuality rose from 48 percent in to 84 percent in ; and approval for having a library keep a book that favors homosexuality rose from 54 percent in to 78 percent in The change toward acceptance of homosexuality began in the late s after years of remaining relatively constant.
Byhowever, that number dropped to 54 percent and hompsexuality was down to Supported by the National Science Foundation, the General Social Virws monitors societal change and homosexuality growing complexity of American society.
With the exception of the U. Census, the GSS is the most widely used source of information about social trends and attitudes. NORC hompsexuality the University of Chicago is an independent research views headquartered in downtown Chicago with additional offices on the University of Chicago's views and in the D.
Metro area. NORC also homosrxuality a nationwide views staff as well as international research operations. With views throughout the world, NORC collaborates with government agencies, foundations, educational institutions, nonprofit organizations, and businesses to provide data and analysis that support informed decision making in key areas including health, education, economics, crime, justice, homosexuality, security, and the environment.
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Switch Display To: views about homosexuality by belief in hell. About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It views public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research.
Pew Research Homosexuality does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts. Visit this table to see approximate margins of error for a group of a given size.
For full question wording, see the survey questionnaire. Sample sizes and views of error vary from subgroup to subgroup, from year to year and from state to state.
You can see the sample size for the estimates in this chart on rollover or in the last column of the table. And visit this table to see approximate margins of error for a group of a given size.
Readers should always bear in mind the approximate margin views error for the group they are examining when making comparisons with other groups or assessing the significance of trends over time. Research Areas U.381/298 sussex street sydney.