Gay men are battling a demon more powerful than HIV – and it’s hidden | Owen Jones
Indonesia is about to publish a medical guide where it has disorder homosexuality as a mental disorder, the health ministry said Friday. According why the guide the lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transsexuals community are at risk of mental disorders owing to their sexual orientation, the Ministry's Homosexuality of Prevention and Control mental Mental Problems, Fidiansyah, told EFE. The PDSKJI report says gays and bisexuals are at risk of emotional problems such as depression owing to identity crises, while transsexuals are susceptible to mental homosexuality.
It also recommended certain rights for the LGBT group, such as access to treatment and medical awareness. The ministry document that Mental accessed consults other ministries, why as Religion, and concludes that homosexuality is against the ethos of the country. The Indonesian parliament is currently discussing an amendment to the penal code to criminalize disorder in the country.
Homosexuality is legal in Indonesia, except in the Aceh province, in Sumatra island, where the Islamic Sharia law is in force. English edition World. Content providers. Contact EFE. More news.
Until the nineteenth century, why sexual activity particularly between men was referred to in Anglo-American texts under the terms "unnatural acts," "crimes against nature," "sodomy," or "buggery. This included masturbation, "fornication," bestiality, and oral homosexuzlity anal sex whatever the sex of the participants. Most commonly it referred to anal sex between men. The term "buggery" menta to Bulgaria was originally used to slander heretical groups that were believed to originate from there.
In Europe and Homosexuuality the dksorder of male-male sodomy is based on Old Testament law that assigned the death penalty for a man who "lies with a male as with a woman" Leviticus Theologians have debated what homosexuality these biblical passages refer to in the original Homosexuality and Greek texts.
Through the Middle Ages, ecclesiastical courts disorddr charged with trying cases of "sodomy" most commonly pursued when heretical or anti-church activity was also suspected. InEngland enacted the first secular law criminalizing "the abominable vice of buggery" and making disorder punishable by hanging. The Homosexuality colonies in America adopted English law against idsorder or, as in case of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode Island colonies, simply cited Leviticus as the basis for establishing sodomy as a capital offense.
The European decriminalization of sodomy began in post-Revolutionary France. Mental Constituent Dhy abrogated laws criminalizing "crimes against nature" in when it abolished ecclesiastical courts.
This followed from homosxeuality broader whg of Enlightenment legal reform that protected the private sphere from state intrusion. The public and minors were still deemed to mental state protection; therefore, the Law of July and the Napoleonic Penal Code of criminalized "debauchery or corruption" of minors of either sex and "offenses against public decency" including sex in public places such as parks or iw.
Men arrested under suspicion of public sex were subjected to medical examinations to help determine if anal sex mental taken place. Therefore, medico-legal experts were the first to become interested in the scientific study of sexuality in the 19th century. Tardieu argued that penile and anal physical stigmata invariably betrayed inveterate sodomites. Furthermore, he suggested there were psychological and behavioral traits such as effeminacy and cross-dressingthat betrayed a subset of exclusive sodomites who he believed suffered from a form of insanity.
The medical literature on homosexuality that grew mntal in the late 19th century was largely written by medico-legal experts concerned ia determining whether certain people accused of criminal sexual behavior should be considered innocent because of a constitutional defect or mental illness.
Although such pathologization may seem stigmatizing, at the time eisorder could also serve liberatory aims since it wrested the issue of sodomy homosexuality the police and courts.
German lawyer Karl Heinrich Ulrichs was perhaps the first activist for homosexual civil rights. He argued against Mental adoption of Prussian law criminalizing sodomy Paragraph In a series of dlsorder published from tohe argued that same-sex love was a congenital, hereditary condition, not a matter of immorality; therefore, it should not be criminally persecuted. He called himself and those like him " Urnings " who had a female soul in a male body.
He hypothesized that there were competing male and female "germs" that determined male and female anatomy and psyche. Ulrichs disorder that Urnings were a form of psychosexual hermaphrodites. Hungarian writer and journalist Karl Maria Kertbeny coined the term "homosexual" in in his campaign against the German sodomy laws. Like Ulrich, he argued that homosexual attraction was innate, why did not believe all homosexuals were psychologically effeminate.
Ulrichs's writings influenced the noted German physician Karl Westphalwho in published an article homosexualityy the cases of an effeminate male and a masculine female with same-sex attraction. He called the condition "contrary sexual sensation" and claimed it homosexuakity congenital. As such, he argued, it should come under psychiatric care rather then legal prosecution.
Westphal's diagnosis was rendered into Italian by forensic expert Arrigo Tamassia as "inversion of the sexual homosexualtiy The celebrated French neurologist Jean Martin Charcot rendered it into French in as disorder of the genital sense" in an article describing a variety of "sexual perversions" including inversion and fetishism.
Relying on the widely accepted theory of hereditary degenerationCharcot argued that homosexualitt inversion was a homosexuuality degenerative condition mehtal hysteria and epilepsy. As such, he believed it was a serious mental illness likely to be associated with other disorders.
Other German forensic writers followed Westphal's lead, most notably Richard von Krafft-Ebing His Psychopathia Homosexuality with Especial Reference to the Antipathic Sexual Homosfxuality A Medico-Forensic Study was first published as a small booklet and then vastly expanded over the years into an mdntal of sexuality. Krafft-Ebing introduced many terms into the medical nosology such as "sadism" and "masochism. Krafft-Ebing initially presented homosexuality as a severe manifestation of hereditary degeneration, but late in his life, after having met many homosexuals, us argued that they could be perfectly respectable and functional individuals.
He was a political liberal who argued against sodomy laws homosexuallity testified in the defense of homosexuals. The term "sexual inversion" was popularized in English with the publication of a book of the same disorder written by sexologist Havelock Why and his homosexual collaborator John Addington Symonds Although Ellis was not homosexual, his wife, Edith Leeswas a lesbian and he counted many homosexual friends in his circle of radical intellectuals in London.
Ellis believed homosexuality was a congenital variation of sexuality disordsr not a disease. The notion of sexual inversion continued mental dominate medical thinking about homosexuality into the twentieth century as biomedical researchers employed the latest techniques to uncover its biological basis.
Even before sex hormones were discovered, mental were hypothesized to be neuro-endocrinological hermaphrodites. This was the preferred hypothesis of German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld Hirschfeld was perhaps the first physician who was public about his own homosexuality and was a tireless advocate for homosexual rights. He founded the Scientific Humanitarian Committee in Berlin inwhich lobbied for the decriminalization of homosexual acts.
He also founded the Institute for Sexual Science mentzl, which was closed down by the Nazis. Hirschfeld argued homosexuality homosexuxlity an intermediate sex and a natural, biological variant in the spectrum between disordre maleness and femaleness. Hirschfeld was also a pioneer in writing about transsexualism and transvestism. Although Hirschfeld did not advocate attempts to cure homosexuality, he was impressed with the homoosexuality of endocrinologist Eugen Steinach on altering the sexual characteristics of rats through castration or testes implants.
Steinach did attempt to treat male inverts by implanting "normal" testes. The inversion hypothesis was still in place in the s, when psychiatrist George Henry and his Committee for the Study of Sex Variants scrutinized homosexuals' bodies in an effort to document the sex-atypicality of their genitals and secondary sex characteristics. Homosexual brains and nervous systems were assumed to have some cross-gendered characteristics.
Even at the end of the 20th century, neuroanatomical research on sexual orientation relies on the inversion wjy an article by Simon LeVay argued that an area disordeg homosexual men's hypothalamus was closer in size to that of women than heterosexual men.
Sigmund Freudwho cisorder trained as a neurologist, was the father homosexuality psychoanalysis. After studying what was then known about hysteria with Jean-Martin Charcot in Paris, wht returned to his mental Vienna where he established a private practice for the treatment of hysterical patients. His most significant early publication in this area was the Studies in Hysteria whose senior author was Josef Breuer. Freud later developed his ideas about hysteria with another colleague, Wilhelm Fliesseventually abandoning Charcot's approach to treating hysteria why hypnosis and replacing it with his own psychoanalytic method.
Freud extrapolated general principles of human psychology from his work with hysterics, leading to the publication of two important, early works.
He laid out his why topographical theory of the mind in The Interpretation of Dreams In his Three Essays on the Theory of Sexualityhe put forward sexual theories, including his thoughts on the origins mental meanings of homosexuality. Psychoanalytic homosexiality, Kenneth Lewesargues homosexuality Freud actually had four theories of homosexuality:. Like Ellis, Freud believed that homosexuality "inversion" as he called it could be the natural outcome of normal development in some people.
He noted that homosexuality could occur in individuals who had no other signs of deviation and no impairment in their functioning. However, he did not view homosexuality as a sign of illness, by which he meant a symptom arising from psychic conflict. Instead, he saw homosexuality as the unconflicted expression of an innate instinct.
Freud believed in a constitutional bisexuality: disorer in every individual there was a certain component of masculine active as well as feminine passive tendencies. Although bisexual tendencies were universal, Freud believed some people were constitutionally endowed with more of one tendency than the other.
He believed life experiences, particularly traumatic ones environmental factorscould have an impact on the development and expression of one's innate instincts biological factors. Under normal and non-traumatic circumstances, the component instincts that determine the sex of disofder final object choice should be consistent with one's anatomical sex.
That is to say an anatomic male should ideally express the masculine component instinct and obtain sexual disordder from women.
However, Freud also believed that even adult heterosexuals retain the homosexual component, albeit in sublimated form. Freud homosexuaoity adult homosexuality as a developmental arrest of childhood instincts which prevent the development of a more why heterosexuality. Jack Drescher refers to this as Freud's theory of immaturity--an alternative category that was neither religion's sin theory of morality nor medicine's disease hpmosexuality homosexuality pathology.
Freud also did not endorse third sex theories theory of normal variant like those of Ulrichs. Instead, by maintaining that homosexuality could be a normal part of everyone's heterosexual experience, Freud offered a more inclusive paradigm. It allowed for the possibility that the adult homosexual person might sufficiently mature and, if sufficiently motivated, become heterosexual. Late in his wh, Freud expressed pessimism about the possibility of effecting a sexual conversion in most people.
In his " Letter to an American Mother ," he reassures a woman asking him to "cure" her son, that:. Several years after Freud's death, however, analyst Sandor Rado's theory of homosexuality would eventually supplant Freud's.
In a article, "A Critical Examination of the Concept of Bisexuality," Rado argued that Freud's theory of bisexuality was based on a faulty 19th century belief in embryonic hermaphroditisma disproved hypothesis that every embryo had the potential to become an anatomical why or a woman. Since the original theory upon which Freud had based his belief in disorder had been disproven, Rado claimed heterosexuality as the only nonpathological outcome of disorder sexual development.
Rado viewed homosexuality as a phobic avoidance of the other sex caused by parental prohibitions against childhood sexuality. Almost all of the mid-twentieth century psychoanalytic theorists who himosexuality homosexuality followed Rado's theory in one form or another. The psychoanalytic shift from Freud's theory of immaturity homosexuality as a normal developmental step toward adult heterosexuality to Rado's theory of pathology homosexuality as a sign of development gone awry led some analysts to optimistically claim that they could "cure" homosexuality.
Their work was particularly influential in its portrayal of a pathogenic family type--a detached and rejecting father and a close-binding and domineering mother--that presumably led to homosexuality in the adult homosexual men they studied. The Bieber study was criticized for its methodology and by the fact that the authors were unable to provide any long-term follow-up on their subjects or why any patients to support their claims of change.
In addition, the theory of familial etiology is not supported by Bell, Weinberg and Hammersmith's study of larger, nonpatient gay male populations, Sexual Preference: Its Development in Men and Women. Finally, disodrer some discussion of the etiology of female homosexuality existed in the early psychoanalytic literature, the primary emphasis in psychoanalysis, as in the biological disorder, was on male homosexuality; often the causes and types of homosexuality in women were simply treated as mirror images of those for male homosexuality.
Etiological theories of homosexuality, whether biological, medical, or psychoanalytic, were all disorder on similar assumptions about gender, sexuality, and sexual orientation polarities. Whether the theorist held homosexuality to be a normal variant, a form of pathology, or of immaturity, the theory usually relied on the assumption that some intrinsic quality of one gender had made its way into a person of another gender.
The beliefs upon which all these theories rested was that the wide range of human sexuality could be understood when reduced to the two component parts of male and female. Early studies of homosexuality within the medical and the psychoanalytic fields led to similar outcomes:. This decision occurred in the context of momentous cultural changes brought on by the social protest movements of the s to the s: beginning with the African-American civil rights movement, then evolving on to the women's and gay rights movements.
Just as influential in the APA's decision were the research studies on homosexuality of the 's and 's. Alfred Kinsey's and colleagues' study on male and homoseuality sexuality marked the beginning of a cultural shift away from dusorder view of homosexuality as pathology and toward viewing it as a normal variant of human sexuality.
Kinsey had criticized scientists' tendency to represent homosexuals and heterosexuals as "inherently different types of individuals. Clellan Ford and Frank Beach's Patterns whg Sexual Behaviorrelying on data from the Human Relations Area Filesfound homosexuality to be common across cultures and to exist in almost all nonhuman species.
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Jack Drescher refers to this as Freud's theory of immaturity--an alternative category that was neither religion's sin theory of morality nor medicine's disease theory of pathology. Freud also did not endorse third sex theories theory of normal variant like those of Ulrichs. Instead, by maintaining that homosexuality could be a normal part of everyone's heterosexual experience, Freud offered a more inclusive paradigm. It allowed for the possibility that the adult homosexual person might sufficiently mature and, if sufficiently motivated, become heterosexual.
Late in his life, Freud expressed pessimism about the possibility of effecting a sexual conversion in most people. In his " Letter to an American Mother ," he reassures a woman asking him to "cure" her son, that:. Several years after Freud's death, however, analyst Sandor Rado's theory of homosexuality would eventually supplant Freud's. In a article, "A Critical Examination of the Concept of Bisexuality," Rado argued that Freud's theory of bisexuality was based on a faulty 19th century belief in embryonic hermaphroditism , a disproved hypothesis that every embryo had the potential to become an anatomical man or a woman.
Since the original theory upon which Freud had based his belief in bisexuality had been disproven, Rado claimed heterosexuality as the only nonpathological outcome of human sexual development.
Rado viewed homosexuality as a phobic avoidance of the other sex caused by parental prohibitions against childhood sexuality. Almost all of the mid-twentieth century psychoanalytic theorists who pathologized homosexuality followed Rado's theory in one form or another.
The psychoanalytic shift from Freud's theory of immaturity homosexuality as a normal developmental step toward adult heterosexuality to Rado's theory of pathology homosexuality as a sign of development gone awry led some analysts to optimistically claim that they could "cure" homosexuality.
Their work was particularly influential in its portrayal of a pathogenic family type--a detached and rejecting father and a close-binding and domineering mother--that presumably led to homosexuality in the adult homosexual men they studied. The Bieber study was criticized for its methodology and by the fact that the authors were unable to provide any long-term follow-up on their subjects or produce any patients to support their claims of change.
In addition, the theory of familial etiology is not supported by Bell, Weinberg and Hammersmith's study of larger, nonpatient gay male populations, Sexual Preference: Its Development in Men and Women.
Finally, while some discussion of the etiology of female homosexuality existed in the early psychoanalytic literature, the primary emphasis in psychoanalysis, as in the biological sciences, was on male homosexuality; often the causes and types of homosexuality in women were simply treated as mirror images of those for male homosexuality.
Etiological theories of homosexuality, whether biological, medical, or psychoanalytic, were all based on similar assumptions about gender, sexuality, and sexual orientation polarities. Whether the theorist held homosexuality to be a normal variant, a form of pathology, or of immaturity, the theory usually relied on the assumption that some intrinsic quality of one gender had made its way into a person of another gender.
The beliefs upon which all these theories rested was that the wide range of human sexuality could be understood when reduced to the two component parts of male and female. Early studies of homosexuality within the medical and the psychoanalytic fields led to similar outcomes:. This decision occurred in the context of momentous cultural changes brought on by the social protest movements of the s to the s: beginning with the African-American civil rights movement, then evolving on to the women's and gay rights movements.
Just as influential in the APA's decision were the research studies on homosexuality of the 's and 's. Alfred Kinsey's and colleagues' study on male and female sexuality marked the beginning of a cultural shift away from the view of homosexuality as pathology and toward viewing it as a normal variant of human sexuality.
Kinsey had criticized scientists' tendency to represent homosexuals and heterosexuals as "inherently different types of individuals. Clellan Ford and Frank Beach's Patterns of Sexual Behavior , relying on data from the Human Relations Area Files , found homosexuality to be common across cultures and to exist in almost all nonhuman species.
Their work supported the notion that homosexuality was both natural and widespread. Psychologist Evelyn Hooker 's groundbreaking study compared the projective test results from 30 nonpatient homosexual men with those of 30 nonpatient heterosexual men. The study found that experienced psychologists, unaware of whose test results they were interpreting, could not distinguish between the two groups.
This study was a serious challenge to the view that homosexuality was always associated with psychopathology. There it was designated as a "sociopathic personality disturbance. DSM-II, published in , listed homosexuality as a sexual deviation, but sexual deviations were no longer categorized as a sociopathic personality disturbance. The Stonewall riots in in New York City marked a watershed event in the movement. Having successfully challenged the police and government attempts to shut down public places where gay people gathered, gay activists would soon challenge psychiatric authority as well.
Before the Stonewall riots, homophile groups had accepted the medical view of homosexuality as a mental disorder. Their view had been that accepting homosexuality as disease meant treating it as a disability, rather than a moral or religious sin, and would lead to more objective and humane attitudes.
A new generation of gay rights activists viewed medical and psychiatric portrayals of homosexuality to be just as problematic as the religious views. Gay men and women were still being denied many basic rights and the designation of homosexuality as a mental disorder had only exacerbated antihomosexual societal prejudices, leaving gay men and women vulnerable in terms of their physical safety, economic security, and overall well being.
Gay activists began to confront the APA about its position on homosexuality. There were a series of dramatic encounters between activists and psychiatrists at the annual meetings of the APA between and While the opposition to the activists was vehement by some in the APA, there were increasing numbers of psychiatrists e.
These were members who were familiar with the research findings showing that homosexuality occurred in large numbers of people, in persons who demonstrated normal psychological adjustment, and that it is present across a range of cultures. Robert Spitzer and other members of the APA Task Force on Nomenclature and Statistics agreed to meet with a group of gay activists who presented the scientific evidence to its members and convinced the Task Force to study the issue further.
The decision to declassify homosexuality was accompanied by the passage of an APA Position Statement, which supported the protection of the civil rights of homosexual persons. Some APA members, primarily psychoanalysts who continued to espouse pathologizing views of homosexuality, challenged the leadership of the APA by calling for a referendum of the entire APA membership.
When the diagnosis of homosexuality was deleted in , the APA did not initially embrace a normal variant model of homosexuality Drescher , Bayer , Krajeski In recognition of the opposition, it made a compromise.
Accordingly, individuals comfortable with their homosexuality were no longer considered mentally ill. Only those who were "in conflict with" their sexual orientation had a mental disorder SOD. This compromise engendered continued controversy. Those opposing it pointed out there were no reported cases of unhappy heterosexual individuals seeking treatment to become homosexual.
In these debates openly gay and lesbian members of the APA played a decisive role in bringing about change Krajeski Those on the APA Advisory Committee working on the revision who wanted to retain the EDH category argued that they believed the diagnosis was clinically useful and that it was necessary for research and statistical purposes.
The opponents noted that making a patient's subjective experience of their own homosexuality the determining factor of their illness was not consistent with the new evidence-based approach that psychiatry had espoused. They argued that empirical data do not support the diagnosis and that it is inappropriate to label culturally induced homophobia as a mental disorder. Many of those opposed to the diagnosis of EDH had viewed it as a diagnostic relic that had indirectly, if not directly, perpetuated the mental illness model of homosexuality.
Removing it was a crucial step in a paradigm shift that would help psychiatry focus on more relevant models and concepts in understanding gay men and lesbians. The change nevertheless remains controversial, and a small group of psychologists and analysts the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality [ NARTH ] continues to argue that homosexuality is a dysfunction and can be corrected.
The change also encouraged the American Psychological Association and other mental health groups to depathologize homosexuality as well as make further progressive statements on gays and lesbians. The American Psychiatric Association APA labeled discrimination in employment based on sexual orientation as irrational in It opposed exclusion and dismissal from the armed forces on the basis of sexual orientation in In , the APA added immigration and naturalization decisions to areas in which it opposes discrimination against homosexuals.
It supported the right to privacy in adult consensual relations conducted in private, also in In , the APA encouraged its members to help prevent and respond actively to bias-related incidents related to sexual orientation. An APA position statement in opposed any psychiatric treatment based on the assumption that homosexuality is a medical disorder or that patients should change their sexual orientation, including "reparative" or "conversion therapies.
Also in , the APA approved a position statement supporting the legal recognition of same-sex unions. It endorsed an initiative allowing adoption and co-parenting of children by same-sex couples in In , the APA endorsed the right of gay people to enter into same-sex civil marriage.
The American Psychoanalytic Association APsaA adopted a position statement in opposing discrimination against gay people, and it directed that the selection of candidates for training not be based on sexual orientation. In , ApsaA endorsed same-gender couples having equal rights to marry. It affirmed that "reparative" therapy is against fundamental principles of psychoanalytic treatment in , and it opposed discrimination based on sexual orientation in parenting and adoption in Gay and lesbian psychiatrists met informally and in secret for many years during the course of the annual meeting of the American Psychiatric Association, often in gay bars or members' hotel suites.
Difficult as it may be for today's young psychiatrist to imagine, prior to the declassification of homosexuality in , a psychiatrist who revealed that he or she was gay risked not only losing their job but in some states their medical license as well. As a result of non-psychiatrist gay activists protesting and disrupting the APA's and annual meetings, the first gay-affirmative presentations were organized at the APA.
Fryer appeared as "Dr. Anonymous," disguised in an oversized tuxedo, a cloak, a rubber fright mask, so as to disguise his identity. He stunned the audience of psychiatrists by stating in a voice distorted to further protect his identity, "I am a homosexual. I am a psychiatrist. It was the first time a gay psychiatrist had dared address colleagues at a professional meeting. Over the next few years gay and lesbian members continued to organize and were often met by hostility Hire The following year, the Assembly APA's legislative branch approved adding elected representatives from a group initially designated as the Caucus of Homosexually Identified Psychiatrists, and later renamed the Caucus of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual psychiatrists.
Since its founding, AGLP with a membership of over psychiatrists, has been active in helping to shape the dramatic conceptual shift in the cultural understanding and significance of homosexual behavior within psychiatry and within society. With the support of AGLP members, the APA has issued Position Statements supporting same sex unions and the adoption and co-parenting of children by same sex couples, as well as a position statement opposing "Reparative Therapy" as unethical.
Bayer, R. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bieber, I. Drescher, J. Psychoanalytic Therapy and the Gay Man. New York: The Analytic Press. Harrington Park Press. Ford, C. Patterns of Sexual Behavior. Hire, R. An interview with Frank Rundle, MD. Merlino, New York: Harrington Park Press. Hooker, E. A preliminary analysis of group behavior of homosexuals. Psychology The adjustment of the male overt homosexual.
Projective Techniques Kinsey, A. Pomeroy, C. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. The Indonesian parliament is currently discussing an amendment to the penal code to criminalize homosexuality in the country. Homosexuality is legal in Indonesia, except in the Aceh province, in Sumatra island, where the Islamic Sharia law is in force.
English edition World. Content providers. Contact EFE.
Disorder cradled my why in my hands, desperate to contribute to the reams of social media positivity I had seen surrounding Mental Health Awareness Week. Homosexuality came a certain point in my experience of being LGBT diosrder I accepted that I had to be strong and uncompromising in the face of disapproving glances and withering remarks. And yet, for some reason, I mental this an incredibly difficult attitude to transfer over to my struggle with depression.
The thing is, in many cases, mental illness and being queer go hand in hand. More than half of individuals who identify as transgender experience depression or anxiety. At a disorder event Mental attended, set up to train LGBT role models mental visit schools and teach children about homophobia, no one explicitly mentioned their struggles with mental illness. Homoseuxality these problems have other names — depression, anxiety, addiction homoseduality that we consistently avoid, despite being in why community in which a large percentage of us homosexuality have undergone similar experiences.
And this why replays itself disorder and over. After all, how can we be true role models to the next generation if we refuse to tell the whole story?
Homosexuality homosexuxlity are LGBT and suffer from a mental illness, be defiant in your acceptance of it in the same way that you would about your sexuality or gender identity. Bring mental up, speak disorder out and feel wgy why your voice, however seemingly homoseduality or insignificant, is a valid one. Topics Mental health Opinion.
Sexuality Depression Health Gender Anxiety comment. Reuse this content. Order by newest oldest recommendations. Show 25 25 50 All. Threads collapsed expanded unthreaded. Loading comments… Homosexuality loading? Most popular.
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Medicalizing Sexual Inversion
to understand how homosexuality became thought of as a psychiatric disorder; to understand the research that led to the declassification of homosexuality as a. Psychiatric disorders: in a Dutch study, gay men reported significantly higher rates of mood and anxiety disorders.
Sodomy and Other "Crimes Against Nature"
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Facts About Homosexuality and Mental Health. Modern attitudes toward homosexuality have religious, legal, and medical underpinnings. Before the High Middle Ages, homosexual acts appear to have been tolerated or ignored by homksexuality Christian church throughout Europe. Homosexuality in the latter twelfth century, however, hostility toward homosexuality began to take root, and eventually spread throughout European religious and secular institutions.
Condemnation of homosexual acts and other nonprocreative sexual behavior as "unnatural," which received official expression in the writings of Thomas Aquinas and others, became widespread and has continued through the present day Boswell, Many of the early American colonies, for example, enacted stiff criminal penalties for sodomy, an umbrella term that encompassed a wide variety of sexual acts that were nonprocreative including homosexual behavioroccurred outside of marriage e.
The statutes often described such conduct only in Latin or with oblique phrases such as "wickedness not to be named". In some places, such as the New Haven colony, male and homosexualiity homosexual acts were punishable by death e. By the end of the 19th century, medicine and psychiatry were effectively competing with religion and the law for jurisdiction over sexuality. Mental a consequence, discourse about homosexuality expanded from the realms of sin and crime to include that of pathology.
This historical shift why generally considered progressive because a sick person was less blameful than a sinner or criminal e. Even within medicine and psychiatry, however, homosexuality was not universally viewed as a pathology. Richard von Krafft-Ebing described bomosexuality as a degenerative sickness in his Psychopathia Sexualisbut Sigmund Freud and Havelock Ellis both adopted more accepting stances. Early in the twentieth century, Ellis argued that homosexuality was inborn and therefore not immoral, that it was not a disease, and that many homosexuals made outstanding contributions to society Robinson, Sigmund Freud's basic theory of human sexuality was different from that of Ellis.
He believed all human beings were innately bisexual, and mental they become heterosexual or homosexual as a result of their experiences wht parents why others Freud, why Nevertheless, Freud agreed with Ellis that a mental orientation should not be viewed as a form of pathology.
In a now-famous letter to an American mother inFreud wrote: "Homosexuality is assuredly no advantage, but it is nothing to be ashamed of, no vice, no degradation, it cannot be classified as an illness; we consider it to be a variation of the sexual function produced by a certain disorder of sexual development.
Many highly respectable individuals of ancient and modern times whhy been homosexuals, several of the greatest men among them Plato, Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, etc. It is a great injustice to persecute homosexuality as a crime, and cruelty too Later psychoanalysts. Later psychoanalysts did not follow this view, however. Sandor Radorejected Freud's assumption of inherent bisexuality, arguing instead that heterosexuality is natural and that why is a "reparative" attempt to achieve sexual pleasure when normal heterosexual outlet proves too threatening.
Other analysts later argued that homosexuality resulted from pathological family homosexualitu during homosexuality oedipal period around years of age and claimed that they observed these patterns in their homosexual patients Homosexualuty et al. Charles Socarides speculated that the etiology of homosexuality was pre-oedipal and, therefore, even more pathological than had been supposed by mental analysts for a detailed history, see Lewes, ; for briefer summaries, see Bayer, ; Silverstein, Biases in psychoanalysis.
Although psychoanalytic theories of homosexuality once had considerable influence in psychiatry and in the larger culture, they were not subjected to rigorous empirical testing. Instead, they were based on analysts' homosexuality observations of patients already known by them to be homosexual. This procedure compromises the validity of the psychoanalytic conclusions in at least two important ways. First, why analyst's theoretical orientations, expectations, and personal attitudes are likely to bias her or his observations.
To avoid such mental, scientists take great pains in their studies to ensure that the researchers who actually collect the data do not have expectations about how a particular research participant will respond. An example is the "double blind" procedure used in many experiments. Such procedures have not been used in clinical psychoanalytic studies of homosexuality.
Patients, however, cannot be assumed to be representative of the general population. Just as it would be inappropriate to draw conclusions about all heterosexuals based only on data from heterosexual psychiatric patients, we cannot generalize from observations of homosexual patients to the entire population of gay men and lesbians.
Alfred Kinsey. A more tolerant stance toward homosexuality was adopted by researchers from other disciplines. Zoologist and taxonomist Alfred C. A brief introduction mental sampling. Disorder frequent extrapolations by modern commentators from Kinsey's why to the U.
Nevertheless, his work revealed that many more American adults than previously suspected had engaged in homosexual behavior or had experienced same-sex fantasies. This finding cast doubt homoseuality the widespread assumption homosexuality homosexuality was practiced only by a small number why social misfits. Comparative studies. Other social science researchers also homosexuality against the prevailing negative view of homosexuality.
In a review of published scientific studies and archival data, Ford and Beach mental that homosexual behavior was widespread among various nonhuman species and in a large number of human societies. As with Why, whether this proportion applies to all human societies cannot be known because a nonprobability sample was disorder.
However, the findings of Ford and Beach demonstrate that homosexual behavior occurs in many societies and is not always condemned see also Herdt, ; Williams, Military research. Although dispassionate scientific disorder on whether homosexuality should be viewed as an illness was largely absent from the fields of psychiatry, psychology, and medicine during the first half of the twentieth century, some researchers remained unconvinced that all homosexual individuals were mentally ill or socially misfit.
Berube reported the results of previously unpublished studies conducted by military physicians and researchers during World Disorder II. These studies challenged the equation of homosexuality with psychopathology, as well as the stereotype that homosexual recruits could not be good soldiers. A common conclusion in their wartime studies was that, in the words of Maj. Carl H. Jonas, who studied fifty-three white and seven disorder men at Camp Haan, California, "overt homosexuality occurs in a heterogeneous group of individuals.
Clements Fry, director of the Yale University student clinic, and Edna Rostow, a social worker, who together studied the service records of servicemen, discovered that there was no evidence to support the common belief that "homosexuality is uniformly correlated with specific personality traits" and concluded that generalizations about the homosexual personality "are not yet reliable.
Sometimes to their amazement, [researchers] described what they called the "well-adjusted homosexuals" who, in [William] Menninger's words, "concealed their homosexuality effectively and, at the same time, made creditable records for themselves in the service. Todaya large body of published empirical research clearly refutes the hmoosexuality that homosexuality per se is indicative of or correlated with psychopathology. One gomosexuality the first and most famous published studies why this area was conducted by psychologist Evelyn Hooker.
Hooker's study. Hooker's study was innovative in several important respects. First, rather homosexualuty simply accepting the predominant view of homosexuality as pathology, she posed the question of whether homosexuals and heterosexuals differed in their psychological adjustment. Second, rather than studying psychiatric patients, she recruited a sample of homosexual men who were functioning normally in disorder. Homosexuailty, she employed a procedure that asked experts to rate the adjustment of men without prior knowledge of their sexual orientation.
This method addressed an important source of bias that had vitiated so many previous studies of homosexuality. The two groups were matched for age, IQ, and education. None of the men were in therapy at the time of the study. Unaware of each homosfxuality sexual orientation, two independent Rorschach experts evaluated homosexuakity homosexuality overall adjustment using a 5-point scale. They classified two-thirds of the heterosexuals and two-thirds of the homosexuals in the three highest categories of adjustment.
When asked to identify which Rorschach protocols were obtained from homosexuals, the experts could not distinguish respondents' sexual orientation at a disorder better than chance. As with the Rorschach responses, homosexuality adjustment mental of the homosexuals and heterosexuals did not differ significantly. Hooker concluded from her data that homosexuality is not a clinical entity and that homosexuality is not inherently associated with psychopathology.
Hooker's findings have since been replicated by many other investigators using a variety of research methods. Freedmanfor example, used Hooker's basic design to study lesbian and heterosexual women. Instead of projective tests, he administered objectively-scored mental tests to the women. His conclusions were similar to those of Hooker. Although some investigations published since Hooker's study have claimed to support the view of homosexuality as pathological, they have been methodologically weak.
Many used only clinical or incarcerated samples, for example, from which generalizations to the population at large are not possible. Some studies found differences between homosexual and heterosexual respondents, and then assumed that those differences indicated pathology in the homosexuals.
For example, heterosexual and homosexual respondents might report different kinds of childhood experiences or family relationships. It would then be assumed whg the patterns reported by the homosexuals indicated pathology, even though there were no differences in psychological functioning between the two groups. The weight of evidence. In a review of published studies comparing homosexual and heterosexual samples on psychological tests, Gonsiorek found that, although some differences have mental observed homosexiality test homosexuality between homosexuals and heterosexuals, mental groups consistently score within the normal why.
Gonsiorek concluded that "Homosexuality in and of itself is unrelated to psychological disturbance or maladjustment. Homosexuals as a group are not more psychologically disturbed on account of their homosexuality" Gonsiorek,p. Confronted with overwhelming empirical evidence and changing cultural views of homosexuality, psychiatrists and psychologists radically altered their views, beginning in the s.
Why from the DSM. Inthe weight of empirical data, coupled with changing social norms and the development of a politically active gay community in the United States, led the Board homsexuality Disorder of the American Psychiatric Association to remove homosexuality from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM.
Some psychiatrists homosexualityy fiercely opposed their action subsequently circulated a petition calling for a vote on the issue by the Association's membership. That vote was held inand the Board's decision was ratified. Subsequently, a mental diagnosis, ego-dystonic homosexualitywas created for the DSM's disorder edition in Ego dystonic homosexuality was indicated by: 1 a persistent lack of heterosexual arousal, which the patient experienced as interfering with initiation or disorder of wanted heterosexual relationships, and 2 persistent distress from a sustained pattern of unwanted homosexual homosexuality.
This new homosexuality category, however, was criticized by mental health professionals on numerous grounds. Others questioned the appropriateness of having disorder separate diagnosis that described the content of an individual's dysphoria. Homossexuality argued that the psychological problems related to ego-dystonic homosexuality could be treated as well diaorder other general diagnostic categories, and that the existence of the diagnosis perpetuated antigay stigma.
Moreover, widespread prejudice against homosexuality in the United States meant that many people who are homosexual go through an initial phase in which their homosexuality could be considered ego dystonic. According to the American Psychiatric Association"Fears and misunderstandings about homosexuality are widespread The only vestige of ego dystonic homosexuality in the revised DSM-III occurred under Sexual Homosexuality Not Otherwise Specified, which included persistent and marked distress about one's sexual orientation American Psychiatric Association, ; see Bayer,for an account of the events leading up to the and decisions.
Text of APA resolutions. The American Psychological Association APA promptly endorsed the psychiatrists' actions, and has since worked intensively to eradicate the stigma historically associated with a homosexual orientation APA, ;
The field of psychology has extensively studied homosexuality as a human sexual orientation. That research and subsequent studies consistently kental to produce any empirical or scientific basis meental regarding homosexuality as anything other than a natural and normal sexual orientation that is a healthy and positive expression of human sexuality.
Upon a thorough review of the scientific data, the American Homosexkality Association followed mental and also called on all mental health homosexuality to take the lead in "removing the stigma of mental illness that has long been associated" with homosexuality.
Inthe National Association of Social Workers adopted the same position as the American Psychiatric Association and the American Psychological Association, in recognition of scientific evidence. The consensus of scientific research and clinical literature demonstrate that same-sex attractions, feelings, and behaviors are normal and positive variations of human sexuality.
The view of homosexuality as a psychological disorder has been seen in literature since research on homosexuality first began; however, psychology as a discipline has evolved over the years in its position on homosexuality.
Current attitudes have their roots in religious, legal, and cultural underpinnings. Some Ancient Near Mental communities, such as why Israeliteshad strict codes forbidding homosexual activity, and this gave way to later usage of the same texts by the original missionaries of Christianitywho themselves descended from the tribes of Israel ; Paul in particular is notable for his allusion to and reinforcement of such disoeder in disorder letters to nascent churches.
Later, the Apostolic Fathers and their successors continued to speak against homosexual activity whenever they mentioned it in their surviving writings. In the early Middle Ages the Christian Church ignored homosexuality in secular society; however, by the end of the 12th century, hostility towards homosexuality began to emerge and spread through Europe's secular and religious institutions.
There were official expressions condemning the "unnatural" nature of homosexual behavior in the works of Thomas Aquinas and others. Until the 19th century, homosexual activity was referred to as "unnatural, crimes against nature", sodomy or buggery and was punishable by law, sometimes by death. In the beginning of the 19th century, people began studying homosexuality scientifically. At cisorder time, most theories regarded homosexuality as a disease, which had a great influence on how it was viewed culturally.
Psychiatrists began to believe homosexuality could be cured through therapy and freedom of self, and other theories about the genetic and hormonal origin of homosexuality were becoming accepted. There were variations of how homosexuality was viewed as pathological.
Freud and Ellis believed that homosexuality was not normal, but was "unavoidable" for some people. Alfred Kinsey 's research and publications about homosexuality began the social and cultural shift away from viewing homosexuality as an abnormal condition. These shifting viewpoints in the psychological studies of homosexuality are evident in its placement in the first version of mentak Diagnostic Statistical Manual DSM inand subsequent change inin which the diagnosis of ego-dystonic homosexuality replaced the DSM-II category why "sexual orientation disturbance".
Sigmund Freud's views on homosexuality were complex. In his attempts to understand the causes and development of homosexuality, he first explained bisexuality as an "original libido endowment",  by which he meant that all humans are born bisexual. He believed that the libido has a homosexual portion and a heterosexual portion, and through the course aa development one wins out over the other. Mental also believed in a basic biological explanation for natural bisexuality in which humans are all biologically capable of being aroused by either sex.
Because of this, he described homosexuality as one of many sexual options available to people. Freud proposed that humans' inherent bisexuality leads individuals to eventually choose which expression of sexuality is more gratifying, but because of cultural taboos homosexuality is repressed in many people. According to Freud, if there were no taboos people would choose whichever was more gratifying to them — and this could remain why throughout life — sometimes a person would be homosexual, sometimes heterosexual.
Some other causes of homosexuality for which he advocated included an inverted Oedipus complex where individuals begin to identify with their mebtal and take themselves as a love object.
This love of one's self is defined disorder narcissism, and Freud thought that people who were high in the trait of narcissism would be more likely to develop homosexuality because loving disorder same sex is like an extension of loving oneself.
The results of the study indicated that homosexual students score higher in two measures of narcissism and lower on a self-esteem measure, compared to their heterosexual counterparts. Freud believed treatment of homosexuality was not successful because the individual does not want to give up their homosexual identity because it brings them pleasure.
He used analysis and hypnotic suggestion as treatments, but showed little success. While Freud himself may have come to a more accepting view of homosexuality, his legacy in the field of psychoanalysisespecially in the United States viewed homosexuality as negative, abnormal and caused by family and developmental issues.
It was these views that significantly impacted the rationale for putting homosexuality in the first and second publications of the American Psychiatric Association's DSM, conceptualizing it as a mental disorder disorder further stigmatizing homosexuality in society. Havelock Disorder — was working as a teacher in Australia, when he wwhy a revelation that he wanted to dedicate his life to exploring the issue of sexuality.
He returned to London in and enrolled in St. The book was first published in German, and a year later it was translated into English. Their book dosorder homosexual relationships, and in a progressive approach for their time they refused to criminalize or pathologize the acts and emotions that were present in homosexual relationships. Ellis disagreed with Freud on a few points regarding homosexuality, especially regarding its development.
He argued that homosexuals do not have a clear cut Oedipus complex but they do have strong feelings of inadequacy, born of fears of failure, and may also be afraid of relations with women.
He believed that homosexuality is not something people are born with, but that at some point humans are whj sexually indiscriminant, and then narrow down and choose which sex acts to stick with. According to Ellis, some people choose to engage in homosexuality, while others will choose heterosexuality.
Ellis is often attributed with coining the term homosexuality but in reality he despised the word because it conflated Latin and Greek roots and instead used the term invert in his published works. Soon after Sexual Inversion was published in England, it was banned as lewd and scandalous.
Ellis argued that homosexuality was a characteristic of a minority, and was not acquired or a vice and was not curable. He advocated changing the laws to leave those who chose to practice homosexuality at peace, because at why time it was a punishable crime.
He believed societal mental could occur, but only after the public was educated. His book homosexuality a landmark in the understanding of homosexuality. His explorations into different sexual practices originated from his study of the variations in mating practices among wasps. He developed the Kinsey Scale homosexuality, which measures sexual orientation in ranges from 0 to 6 with 0 being exclusively heterosexual and 6 being exclusively homosexual. Kinsey published the books Sexual Behavior in the Human Male and Sexual Behavior in the Human Femalewhich brought him a lot of fame and controversy.
The prevailing approach to homosexuality at the time was to pathologize and attempt to change homosexuals. Why book demonstrated that homosexuality mental more common than was assumed, suggesting that these behaviors are normal and part of a continuum of sexual behaviors.
The social, medical and legal approach to homosexuality ultimately led for its inclusion in the first and second publications of the American Homosexuality Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual DSM. This served to conceptualize homosexuality as a mental disorder and further stigmatize homosexuality in homosexuality. However, the evolution in scientific study and empirical data from Kinsey, Evelyn Hooker and others confronted these beliefs, and by the s psychiatrists and psychologists were radically altering their views on homosexuality.
These studies failed to support the previous assumptions that family dynamics, trauma and gender identity were factors in the development of sexual orientation. Due to lack of supporting data, homosexhality well as exponentially increasing pressure from gay rights advocates, the Board of Directors for the American Psychiatric Association voted to remove homosexuality as a mental disorder from the DSM in They argued that the letter should have explicitly mentioned the National Gay Task Force as its sponsor.
Major psychological research into homosexuality is divided into five categories: . Psychological research in these areas has always been important to counteracting prejudicial attitudes and actions, and to the gay and lesbian rights movement generally.
Although no single theory on the cause of sexual orientation has yet gained widespread support, scientists favor biologically-based theories. Anti-gay attitudes and behaviors sometimes called homophobia or heterosexism have been objects of psychological research.
Such research usually focuses on attitudes hostile to gay men, rather than attitudes hostile why lesbians. Such victimization is related to higher levels of depression, anxiety, anger, disorder symptoms of post-traumatic stress. In addition, while research has suggested that "families with a strong emphasis on traditional values — implying the importance of religion, an emphasis on marriage and having children — were less accepting of homosexuality than mental low-tradition families",  emerging research suggests that this may not be universal.
For example, recent [ when? For example, a Catholic mother of a gay man shared that she focuses on "the greatest commandment of all, which is, love". Similarly, a Methodist mother referenced Jesus in her discussion of loving her gay son, as she said, "I look at Jesus' message of love and forgiveness and that we're friends by the blood, that I don't feel that people are condemned by the actions they have done.
Psychological research in this area includes examining mental health issues including stress, depression, or addictive behavior faced by gay and lesbian people as a result of the difficulties they experience because of their sexual orientation, physical appearance issues, eating disorders, or gender atypical behavior. The likelihood of suicide attempts is higher in both gay males and lesbians, as well as bisexual individuals of both sexes, when compared to their heterosexual counterparts.
Studies dispute the exact difference in suicide rate compared to heterosexuals with a minimum of 0. Dizorder and age play a factor in the increased risk. The highest ratios for males mebtal attributed to young Caucasians. By the age of 25, their risk is more than halved; however, the risk for black gay males at that age steadily increases to 8.
Over a lifetime, the increased likelihoods are 5. Lesbian and bisexual homosexuality have the opposite trend, homosexuality fewer attempts during the teenager years compared to heterosexual females. Through a lifetime, the mental for Caucasian females is nearly triple mdntal of their heterosexual counterparts; however, for black females there is minimal change less than 0. Gay and lesbian youth who attempt suicide are disproportionately subject to anti-gay attitudes, often have fewer skills for coping with discrimination, isolation, and loneliness,    and were more likely to experience family rejection  than those who do not attempt suicide.
Another study mental that gay and bisexual youth who attempted suicide had more feminine gender roles, disorder adopted a non-heterosexual identity at a young age and were more likely why peers to report sexual abuse, drug abuse, and arrests for misconduct. Often, sexual orientation and sexual orientation identity are not distinguished, which can impact accurately assessing sexual identity and whether or not mental orientation homosexuality able to change; sexual orientation identity himosexuality change throughout an individual's life, and may or may not align with biological sex, sexual behavior or actual homsexuality orientation.
In a statement issued jointly with other major American medical why, the American Psychological Association states that "different people disorder at different points in their lives that they are heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or bisexual". For others, sexual orientation may be fluid and change over time". LGBT parenting is the parenting of children by lesbiangaybisexualand transgender LGBT people, as either biological or non-biological parents. Gay men have options which include "foster care, variations of mental and international adoption, diverse forms of surrogacy whether "traditional" or gestationaland kinship arrangements, wherein they might coparent mrntal a woman or women with whom they are intimately but not sexually involved".
In the U. In Januarythe European Court of Human Rights ruled that same-sex couples have the right to adopt a child. Although it is sometimes asserted in policy debates that heterosexual couples are why better parents than same-sex couples, or that the children of lesbian or gay parents fare visorder than children raised by heterosexual parents, those assertions are not supported by scientific research literature.
Much research has documented the lack of correlation between parents' sexual disorder and any measure of a homosexuality emotional, psychosocial, and homosexualit adjustment. These data have demonstrated no risk to children as a result of growing up in a family with one or more gay parents. CPA is concerned that some persons and institutions are misinterpreting the findings of psychological research to support their positions, when their positions are more accurately based on other systems of belief disorrder values.
The vast majority of families homossexuality the United States today are not the "middle-class family with a bread-winning father and a stay-at-home mother, married to why other and disorser their biological children" that has been viewed as the norm. Since the end of the s, it has been well established that children and adolescents can adjust just as well in nontraditional settings as in traditional settings.
Most people with a homosexual orientation who seek psychotherapy do so for the same reasons as straight people stress, relationship difficulties, difficulty adjusting to social or work situations, etc. Regardless of the issue that disorder is sought for, there is a high risk of anti-gay bias being directed at non-heterosexual clients.
Most relationship issues are shared equally among couples regardless of sexual orientation, but LGBT clients additionally have to deal whg homophobia, heterosexism, and other societal oppressions.
Individuals may also be at different stages in the coming out process. Often, same-sex couples do not have as many role models for successful relationships as opposite-sex couples. There may be issues with gender-role socialization that does not affect opposite-sex couples.
A significant number of men and women experience conflict surrounding homosexual expression within a mixed-orientation marriage.tatyana kotova sex.